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Larry Gene ASHBROOK
Shooting
Ashbrook interrupted a teen prayer
rally at the Wedgwood Baptist Church spouting anti-Baptist
rhetoric before opening fire with a 9mm semiautomatic
handgun and a .380-caliber handgun. He reloaded several
times during the shooting; three empty magazines were
found at the scene.
Seven people were killed, four of
whom were teenagers (a 14 year old boy, two 14 year old
girls and a 17 year old boy). Three people sustained
major injuries while four others received relatively
minor injuries.
At Ashbrook's home, police found a
pipe, end caps to enclose the pipe, gunpowder and a fuse.
Ashbrook had thrown a pipe bomb into the church, but
this exploded vertically, and did not injure anyone.
City newspaper-editor Stephen Kaye,
whom Ashbrook had visited days before the shooting,
described him as being "the opposite of someone who'd be
concerned about", saying he "couldn't have been any
nicer".
However, his neighbors had an
entirely different view of him, describing him as
strange and violent. Investigators at his house
discovered that he had virtually destroyed the interior
of his house, and remarked that he seemed very troubled.
Police investigating the shooting
could find no solid motive for the crime. In the months
before the shooting, people who knew Ashbrook say he
became increasingly paranoid, certain that he was being
framed for serial murder and other crimes that he did
not commit.
He also feared that the CIA were
targeting him, and he reported psychological warfare,
assaults by co-workers and being drugged by the police.
Just days before the shooting he voiced these concerns
to a newspaper, saying "I want someone to tell my story,
no one will listen to me; no one will believe me."
Wikipedia.org
September 16, 1999
The shooting occurred at Wedgwood
Baptist Church about 7 p.m. during a rally that attracted hundreds of
teenagers from several area churches.
September 16, 1999
The youngsters had just stopped
singing hymns and had begun to pray when the gunman entered.
"He hits the door real hard to make
his presence known and he just immediately started firing," said Dax
Hughes, Wedgwood Baptist Church's college minister.
September 16, 1999
The Calgary Sun
September 16, 1999
"He hits the door real hard to make
his presence known and he just immediately started firing," said Dax
Hughes, the church's college minister.
The Calgary Sun
September 17, 1999
Authorities asked Meredith to
identify Susan (Kim) Jones, but the pastor said he found it difficult to
recognize the 23-year-old woman he remembered as a warm, exuberant
seminary student.
Detroit Free Press
September 17, 1999
But at the end of a long day of
searching the modest, wood-frame house, they found no explanation for
why the 47-year-old Ashbrook walked into the Wedgwood Baptist Church on
Wednesday evening and began shooting.
The Star-Telegram
September 18, 1999
Galey believed that the blood oozing
from his right side was paint, until the gunman discarded his empty clip
and reached for another.
"When he dropped the clip, I knew it
was a gun. I know what a paintball gun looks like," Galey said Saturday
at Harris Methodist Fort Worth hospital, in his first public comments
since the shooting Wednesday night at Wedgwood Baptist Church.
Galey remembers vivid details of the
shootings, which occurred during a church youth rally.
When Ashbrook burst in, Galey was
standing in a hallway leading to the sanctuary. He heard at least five
gunshots before coming face-to-face with the gunman, who fired a shot
into the right side of Galey's chest.
Ashbrook also fired at Galey's head,
but missed, Galey said.
The Arizona Republic
September 18, 1999
At least two people with video
cameras had filmed the attack in Wedgwood Baptist Church, where Larry
Gene Ashbrook shot 14 adults and teenagers, seven of them fatally,
before killing himself. A day later, as Mendoza peered at the screen,
studying Ashbrook's face and listening intently, trying to count the
gunshots.
The Arizona Republic
September 18, 1999
For the first time since Larry
Ashbrook fired into a crowd of more than 150 attending a youth rally,
church members and some friends and relatives of the seven injured and
seven slain victims returned to reclaim their church.
The Commercial Appeal
September 18, 1999
His grip on reality was never great.
Unemployed and unwashed, he muttered obscenities at passersby and stared
angrily and silently when addressed.
At 47, he lived with his father, who
spent much of his time repairing the damage his son inflicted on their
house. He was known to assault his father and curse him in profane
tirades.
He was feared, distrusted and
avoided, but there wasn't much neighbors could do.
The Philadelphia
Enquirer
September 18, 1999
Two people in the congregation were
taping the youth concert and service when the gunman opened fire. "There
is a possibility one of the cameramen might have been one of the victims,"
acting Police Chief Ralph Mendoza said.
The Commercial Appeal
September 21, 1999
Fort Worth's Lt. Mark Krey, who is
heading the investigation into the largest mass shooting in the city's
history, said police have found a Prozac vial in Ashbrook's name and
want to ask doctors why it was prescribed.
The Arizona Republic
September 23, 1999
Toxicology results showed no trace
of illegal drugs, such as cocaine and heroin, according to Dr. Angela
Springfield, chief toxicologist for the Tarrant County Medical
Examiner's Office.
Larry Gene Ashbrook
In a related development, the `Star-Telegram learned
that a man matching Ashbrook's description acted suspiciously last month
when he visited a nondenominational Flower Mound church to ask about a
long-lost friend and to inquire whether the church performed exorcisms.
Justin Ray, 17, a senior at Cassata Learning Center,
and a woman were separately videotaping a youth rally inside the
sanctuary Wednesday night when they turned their cameras to record a man
firing shots in the back of the church, police said. Ray, who was
fatally shot, kept taping as Ashbrook fired at him because he thought
the shooting was part of a skit, according to friends of the teenager.
Ray's uncle Larry Dockery, speaking for the family,
said Ray was panning the sanctuary with the camera and did not realize
how close he was to Ashbrook or that he was about to be shot.
Acting Police Chief Ralph Mendoza and police
administrators who viewed the videotapes said they depict some of the
150 to 200 people diving for cover as Ashbrook casually moved through
the sanctuary, selecting and firing at his victims.
"He's kind of pacing slowly, holding his hand out
with the gun out," Mendoza said. "What I saw on the film was one handgun
firing. He ejected a magazine, loaded it and continued firing. It was
not rapid. It was slow, methodical, picking [his targets], aiming and
shooting.
"He did not seem to be worried. He did not seem to be
panicked. ... He took his time. ... He randomly stood there and fired
shot after shot after shot."
Mendoza said both videotapes suddenly go black, and
neither captures any blood or anyone being shot.
Police said one tape came from a camera found
clutched in Ray's hand. The other was given to a police officer Thursday
evening.
Mendoza urged anyone who filmed the carnage to give
the videotape to police.
The video revelations came two days after Ashbrook, a
47- year-old Forest Hill loner, strolled into the church at 5522 Whitman
Ave. in southwest Fort Worth, killed seven people and wounded seven
others before sitting in a back pew and fatally shooting himself in the
head.
Investigators said they have pursued numerous leads
to explain why Ashbrook picked the neighborhood church.
"We're at a loose end," Deputy Chief Don Gerland said.
It's frustrating to be unable to establish a "clear-cut connection"
linking Ashbrook to the church, he said.
The church "had to be picked," he said. "He would
have to know where he was going. You don't come across this church by
accident; you have to know where it is."
Melody Kolbensvik, 40, said the picture bore a
striking resemblance to a bizarre-acting man who visited Shiloh Church
early last month, complaining that people were preventing him from
finding a friend.
"He said he was looking for a person who'd been a
member at the church in 1984," said Kolbensvik, a volunteer at the
church. "So the church secretary was trying to look it up for him. He
said there were a lot of people, really evil, bad people, who didn't
want him to find him."
He later asked if the church performs exorcisms, and
when the women looked at him in silence for a minute, he quickly said it
wasn't for him, Kolbensvik said.
The man identified himself only as "Paul," telling
the women he was named after the apostle, Kolbensvik said.
"When he left, I sensed there was something that was
just not right about him," she said. "It was like he was casing the
church, the way he was looking around."
Sharon Putman, the church secretary, said she was
equally disturbed by the man's appearance and bizarre manner.
"When he came in, I just started backing away from
him, and I don't do that," she said.
The women's description of the man's car differed
slightly in color from Ashbrook's four- door gray Pontiac sedan, which
police seized from the church parking lot.
Police said they will investigate the report to
determine if the visitor, described as having long, matted hair and a
ruddy complexion, was Ashbrook.
If it was, police said, the development could
indicate that Ashbrook may have been checking churches and planning his
attack for some time.
No other churches have reported a similar visit, and
no one at Wedgwood Baptist recognized Ashbrook, police said.
"For them, when it happened, it was like, `Where did
that come from?' " Gerland said.
Police acknowledged yesterday that they may never
know the motive for the mass killing.
"We know who did it, and we may never know why," said
Lt. David Ellis, a police spokesman. "It's just one of those things that
we may never know why he chose that church, that community.
"The person who knows why he did it is dead.
Obviously he's disturbed. Sometimes it's very difficult to determine a
motive or the thought process for a person who is mentally unstable.
People with problems like that don't think like you and I or normal
citizens do."
The videos show only about a minute of Ashbrook's
shooting spree. One video recorded 20 gunshots and the other 24 shots of
what police believe was a 10-minute rampage, Mendoza said.
Ashbrook reloaded three times during his onslaught
and had six loaded 9 mm clips in the pockets of his jacket, officials
said.
A clear close-up of Ashbrook's face cannot be seen
and his words are muted by noise in the sanctuary, officials said.
Witnesses have said he spouted obscenities and denounced their religious
beliefs.
"One person taking a video was down on the floor
between pews and holding the camera up above the pew," said Gerland, who
said he believed that the camera operator had taken cover from the
shooting.
"The person on the floor [ then] scooted over and was
shooting [video] around the corner of the pew," he said.
Officials said the amateur photographer is a woman
who gave the tape to police the day after the shooting.
"I believe everyone in that audience thought it [the
killing spree] was part of the skit. I may be wrong," Mendoza said.
Then as the realization dawned that it was not a
show, furniture could be heard being overturned as some tried to escape,
Gerland said the tapes indicate. The tapes do not depict a chaotic, mad
rush for the exits, he said.
"I think there was a mix [of people who thought it
was a skit]. You could see the realization dawning on them that this was
real," Gerland said.
September 20, 1999
Public speculation concerning Ashbrook’s motives
converged – incorrectly, I believe – on paranoia and even schizophrenia
as possible explanations for his rampage. An exclusive focus on these
clinical symptom disorders unnecessarily narrows the conceptual basis
for reconstructing the development and dynamics of the mental state that
culminated in Ashbrook’s tragic final act. A fuller understanding of the
internal forces that drove Ashbrook requires due consideration of his
underlying personality pattern.
As noted by Theodore Millon (1996), "[a]ll
patterns of pathological personality . . . comprise deeply etched and
pervasive characteristics of functioning that unfold as a product of the
interplay of constitutional and experiential influences. The behaviors
. . . that evolve out of these transactions are embedded so firmly
within the individual that they become the very fabric of his or her
makeup, operating automatically and insidiously as the individual’s way
of life" (p. 609). For this reason, an exclusive focus on Ashbrook’s
paranoia at the time of the shooting is to offer a truncated version of
the mental state that set the stage for the commission of his
indiscriminate, chaotic act of mass murder.
"Present realities," writes Millon (1996), "are
often mere catalysts that stir up . . . long-standing habits, memories,
and feelings [rooted in personality]. . . . Sooner or later they may
prove to be the person’s undoing" (p. 609). Thus, statements by
authorities the day after the shooting, that Ashbrook was "emotionally
disturbed" and "seemed to have a problem with religion," are not
particularly useful. Following is an annotated summary of Millon’s
comprehensive account of the clinical features of schizotypal
personality disorder.
"What is most distinctive about schizotypal
personalities is their socially gauche [including unrefined and boorish
behavior] and peculiar mannerisms, and their tendency to evince unusual
actions and appearances. Many dress in strange and unusual ways, often
appearing to prefer a ‘personal uniform’ from day to day. . . . The
tendency to keep to peculiar clothing styles sets them apart from their
peers. As a consequence of their strange behaviors and appearances,
schizotypals are readily perceived by others as aberrant, unobtrusively
odd, curious, or bizarre." (p. 634)
Interpersonal conduct: Secretive
"[Schizotypals] prefer privacy and isolation.
Unable to achieve a reasonable level of interpersonal comfort and
satisfaction, they may have learned to withdraw from social
relationships, to draw increasingly into themselves, with just a few
tentative attachments and personal obligations. . . . [They tend, over
time, to drift] into increasingly peripheral vocational roles, finding a
degree of satisfaction in unusual and clandestine social activities."
(pp. 624-625)
"[T]he social achievements of the typical
schizotypal usually indicate an erratic course, with a failure to make
normal progress. Academic and work histories show marked deficits and
irregularities, given their intellectual capacities as a base. Not only
are they frequent drop outs, but they tend to drift from one job to
another and are often separated or divorced, if they ever married. Their
deficits in achievement competence derive from and, in part, contribute
to their social anxieties and feelings of unworthiness." (p. 625)
"If they do sustain a conversation, they may
press it beyond the appropriate or suitable, digressing into highly
personal, odd, or metaphoric topics. More commonly, they lack the spark
to initiate action or to participate socially, seemingly enclosed and
trapped by some force that blocks them from responding to or empathizing
with others. This inability . . . to become a member of a real
society, and to invest their energies and interests in a world of
others, lies at the heart of their pathology" [emphasis added].
(p. 625)
"Crucial to the pathology of schizotypals is
their inability to organize their thoughts, particular in the realm of
interpersonal understanding and empathy. . . . They attribute unusual
and special significance to peripheral and incidental events, construing
what transpires between persons in a manner that signifies a fundamental
lack of social comprehension and logic. . . . As a consequence of their
misrenderings of the meaning of human interactions, they construct
idiosyncratic conceptions regarding the thoughts, feelings, and actions
of others. . . . They interpose personal irrelevancies, circumstantial
speech, ideas of reference, and metaphorical asides in ordinary social
communications. . . . Owing to their problematic information gathering
and disorganized processing, their ideas may result in the formation of
magical thinking, bodily illusions, odd beliefs, peculiar suspicions,
and cognitive blurring that interpenetrates reality with fantasy"
(p. 625). The general inability of schizotypal personalities to organize
their thoughts accounts for Ashbrook’s so-called "rambling writings,"
whereas their characteristic cognitive blurring of reality and fantasy
provides a frame of reference for Ashbrook’s apparent obsession with
serial murder and his unfounded belief that he was a suspected serial
murderer.
Individuals with schizotypal personality disorder
"develop superstitions, referential ideas, and illusions, and engage at
times in frenetic activity. . . . [because they] have enough awareness
. . . of life to realize that other people do experience joy, sorrow,
and excitement, whereas they, by contrast, are empty and barren. They
desire some relatedness, some sensation, and some
feeling that they are part of the world about them. . . . Their
recurrent illusions, their magical and telepathic thinking, and their
ideas of reference may be viewed as a coping effort to fill the spaces
of their emptiness, the feeling that they are ‘going under’ and are
bereft of all life and meaning." (p. 625)
It seems plausible that the death of Ashbrook’s
father in July may have intensified and exacerbated his "terror of
impending nothingness and of a barren, depersonalized, and nonexistent
self," escalating his bizarre behaviors, beliefs, and perceptions in an
increasingly frenetic effort to affirm reality.
Self-image: Estranged
"Owing to their unsatisfactory social and
cognitive dysfunctions, most schizotypals evidence recurrent social
perplexities as well as self-illusions, depersonalization, and
dissociation. Many see themselves as alienated from the world around
them, as forlorn and estranged beings, with repetitive ruminations about
life’s emptiness and meaninglessness. The deficient cognitions and
disharmonious affects [emotions] of schizotypals deprive them of the
capacity to experience events as something other than lifeless and
unfathomable phenomena. They suffer a sense of vapidness in a world of
puzzling and washed-out objects. . . . [M]any schizotypals see
themselves to be more dead than alive, insubstantial, foreign, and
disembodied." (p. 626)
Object-representations: Chaotic
"The inner world of the schizotypal. . . . is
almost random, resulting in an ineffective and uncoordinated framework
for regulating the patient’s tensions, needs, and goals. Perhaps for the
greater part of their lives, . . . [this psychic framework has been]
only fitfully competent for accommodating to their world, binding their
impulses, and mediating their interpersonal difficulties." (p. 626)
Regulatory mechanism: Undoing
"[S]chizotypals are often overwhelmed by the
dread of total disintegration, implosion, and nonexistence – feelings
that may be countered by imposing or constructing new worlds of self-made
reality, an idiosyncratic reality composed of superstitions, suspicions,
illusions, and so on. The more severe attacks of depersonalization
may precipitate psychotic episodes, irrational outbursts in which these
patients frantically search to build a sense of reality to fill their
vacant existence" [emphasis added]. (p. 626)
Morphologic organization: Fragmented
"If one looks into the organization of the
schizotypal’s mind, one is likely to find highly permeable boundaries
among psychic components that [in well-adjusted personalities] are
commonly well segregated. . . . As a consequence of these less than
adequate and poorly constructed defensive operations, primitive thoughts
and impulses are usually discharged in a helter-skelter way, more or
less directly and in a sequence of desultory actions. The intrinsically
defective nature of the schizotypal’s internal structures results in few
reality-based sublimations and few successful achievements in life.
These defects make the patient vulnerable to further decompensation –
even under modest degrees of stress" [emphasis added]. (p. 626)
In the case of Larry Ashbrook, it is easy to see
how the loss of his sole social support system in the death of his
parents could have precipitated the more-or-less complete breakdown of
his already fragile coping mechanisms, resulting in an insidious spiral
of personality decompensation and, ultimately, a floridly delusional,
paranoid, psychotic episode of tragic proportions.
As Millon writes, "[W]hen external pressures
. . . are especially acute, they may react with a massive and psychotic
outpouring of primitive impulses, delusional thoughts, hallucinations,
and bizarre behaviors." According to Millon, "[m]any schizotypals have
stored up intense repressed anxieties and hostilities throughout
their lives. Once released, these feelings burst out in a rampaging
flood" [emphasis added]. "The backlog of suspicions, fears, and
animosities has been ignited and now explodes in a frenzied cathartic
discharge." (p. 627)
Mood/Temperament: Distraught
Larry Ashbrook appears to fit the profile of the
"actively detached" schizotypal subtype. The prevailing mood of these
individuals is agitated and anxiously watchful; they are "excessively
apprehensive and ill at ease, particularly in social encounters." Millon
notes that many of these reticent, apprehensive schizotypals "exhibit a
distrust of other persons and are suspicious of their motives, a
disposition that rarely recedes despite growing familiarity." (p. 627)
Fort Worth Star-Telegram city editor
Stephen Kaye has reported that when Ashbrook visited him at the
newspaper’s downtown office in August, he was "very cordial" and "very
apologetic for bothering me." Ashbrook’s diffident manner suggests that
he indeed had an active-detached (i.e., avoidant) schizotypal
personality, rather than, say, an antisocial or paranoid personality
disorder, as his violent rampage may erroneously lead one to believe in
retrospect.
To paraphrase Millon (1996), avoidant
schizotypals have given up hope of gaining affection and security. To
defend against these anxiety-arousing feelings of emptiness,
meaninglessness, and hopelessness, they substitute rational thinking –
which would bring them face to face with the "devastating terror of
nothingness, the feeling of imminent nonexistence" – with "a
‘make-believe’ world . . . of fantasized persons and objects to which
they can safely relate" (p. 629). Larry Ashbrook’s July 31 and August 10
letters to the Fort Worth Star-Telegram just weeks before his
rampage offer some clues to the content of the "make-believe" world of
his, in which he is a serial murder suspect under surveillance by CIA
operatives.
Ultimately, however, the tragic consequences of
Ashbrook’s failure to secure public affirmation of his delusional
fantasies ("It is obvious that you are uninterested in my story. . . .
Is it because you think it implausible or unimportant?" he wrote in his
Aug. 10 letter to the Star-Telegram), Ashbrook was overwhelmed by
depersonalization anxiety. Millon (1996) writes that when schizotypal
individuals are "overwhelmed by the dread of total disintegration,
implosion, and nonexistence. . . . [t]hese severe attacks of
depersonalization may precipitate wild psychotic outbursts in which the
patient frantically searches to reaffirm reality." (p. 623)
As his tenuous controls crumbled, as pressures
mounted beyond tolerable limits, it seems that the only remaining option
in Ashbrook’s troubled mind to restore his fragile psychic cohesion and
affirm the reality of his existence was, in effect, to merge fantasy
with reality by joining his shadowy "pseudocommunity" and enacting his
primitive anxieties in a wild and chaotic spree of vandalism and mass
murder in the real world. Millon (1996) writes, "To counter the
anxieties of depersonalization and derealization, they may be driven
into excited and bizarre behaviors, contrive peculiar and hallucinating
images, and shout utterly unintelligible but beseeching sounds, all in
an effort to draw attention and affirm their existence as living beings.
They may maneuver irrationally just to evoke a response from others,
simply create a stir to prove they are real and not a mirage of empty,
floating automatons such as they sense themselves to be." (p. 629)
References
American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and
Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.).
Washington, DC: Author.
Millon, T. (1996). Disorders of Personality: DSM-IV and Beyond
(2nd ed). New York: Wiley.