SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES
428 U.S. 153
Gregg v. Georgia
CERTIORARI TO THE SUPREME COURT OF GEORGIA
In Furman v. Georgia,
408 U.S. 238, 314 (1972) (concurring opinion), I set forth at some
length my views on the basic issue presented to the Court in these
cases. The death penalty, I concluded, is a cruel and unusual
punishment prohibited by the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments.
That continues to be my view.
I have no intention of
retracing the "long and tedious journey" id. at 370, that
led to my conclusion in Furman. My sole purposes here are
to consider the suggestion that my conclusion in Furman has
been undercut by developments since then, and briefly to evaluate
the basis for my Brethren's holding that the extinction of life is
a permissible form of punishment under the Cruel and Unusual
Punishments Clause.
In Furman, I concluded
that the death penalty is constitutionally invalid for two reasons.
First, the death penalty is excessive. Id. at 331-332;
342-359. And [p232] second, the
American people, fully informed as to the purposes of the death
penalty and its liabilities, would, in my view, reject it as
morally unacceptable. Id. at 360-369.
Since the decision in
Furman, the legislatures of 35 States have enacted new
statutes authorizing the imposition of the death sentence for
certain crimes, and Congress has enacted a law providing the death
penalty for air piracy resulting in death. 49 U.S.C. §§ 1472(i),
(n) (1970 ed., Supp. IV). I would be less than candid if I did not
acknowledge that these developments have a significant bearing on
a realistic assessment of the moral acceptability of the death
penalty to the American people. But if the constitutionality of
the death penalty turns, as I have urged, on the opinion of an
informed citizenry, then even the enactment of new death statutes
cannot be viewed as conclusive. In Furman, I observed that
the American people are largely unaware of the information
critical to a judgment on the morality of the death penalty, and
concluded that, if they were better informed, they would consider
it shocking, unjust, and unacceptable. 408 U.S. at 360-369. A
recent study, conducted after the enactment of the post-Furman
statutes, has confirmed that the American people know little about
the death penalty, and that the opinions of an informed public
would differ significantly from those of a public unaware of the
consequences and effects of the death penalty.
[n1]
Even assuming, however, that
the post-Furman enactment of statutes authorizing the death
penalty renders the prediction of the views of an informed
citizenry an [p233] uncertain basis
for a constitutional decision, the enactment of those statutes has
no bearing whatsoever on the conclusion that the death penalty is
unconstitutional because it is excessive. An excessive penalty is
invalid under the Cruel and Unusual Punishments Clause "even
though popular sentiment may favor" it. Id. at 331; ante
at 173, 182-183 (opinion of STEWART, POWELL, and STEVENS, JJ.);
Roberts v. Louisiana, post at 353-354 (WHITE, J., dissenting).
The inquiry here, then, is simply whether the death penalty is
necessary to accomplish the legitimate legislative purposes in
punishment, or whether a less severe penalty -- life imprisonment
-- would do as well. Furman, supra at 342 (MARSHALL, J.,
concurring).
The two purposes that sustain
the death penalty as nonexcessive in the Court's view are general
deterrence and retribution. In Furman, I canvassed the
relevant data on the deterrent effect of capital punishment. 408
U.S. at 347-354.
[n2] The state of knowledge at that point, after
literally centuries of debate, was summarized as follows by a
United Nations Committee:
It is generally agreed
between the retentionists and abolitionists, whatever their
opinions about the validity of comparative studies of deterrence,
that the data which now exist show no correlation between the
existence of capital punishment and lower rates of capital crime.
[n3]
The available evidence, I
concluded in Furman, was convincing that "capital
punishment is not necessary as a deterrent to crime in our society."
Id. at 353.
The Sollicitor General, in his
amicus brief in these cases, [p234]
relies heavily on a study by Isaac Ehrlich,
[n4] reported a year after Furman, to support
the contention that the death penalty does deter murder. Since the
Ehrlich study was not available at the time of Furman, and
since it is the first scientific study to suggest that the death
penalty may have a deterrent effect, I will briefly consider its
import.
The Ehrlich study focused on
the relationship in the Nation as a whole between the homicide
rate and "execution risk" -- the fraction of persons convicted of
murder who were actually executed. Comparing the differences in
homicide rate and execution risk for the years 1933 to 1969,
Ehrlich found that increases in execution risk were associated
with increases in the homicide rate.
[n5] But when he employed the statistical technique
of multiple regression analysis to control for the influence of
other variables posited to have an impact on the homicide rate,
[n6] Ehrlich found a negative correlation between
changes in the homicide rate and changes in execution risk. His
tentative conclusion was that, for the period from 1933 to 1967,
each additional execution in the United States might have saved
eight lives.
[n7]
The methods and conclusions of
the Ehrlich study [p235] have been
severely criticized on a number of grounds.
[n8] It has been suggested, for example, that the
study is defective because it compares execution and homicide
rates on a nationwide, rather than a state-by-state, basis. The
aggregation of data from all States -- including those that have
abolished the death penalty -- obscures the relationship between
murder and execution rates. Under Ehrlich's methodology, a
decrease in the execution risk in one State combined with an
increase in the murder rate in another State would, all other
things being equal, suggest a deterrent effect that quite
obviously would not exist. Indeed, a deterrent effect would be
suggested if, once again all other things being equal, one State
abolished the death penalty and experienced no change in the
murder rate, while another State experienced an increase in the
murder rate.
[n9]
The most compelling criticism
of the Ehrlich study is [p236] that
its conclusions are extremely sensitive to the choice of the time
period included in the regression analysis. Analysis of Ehrlich's
data reveals that all empirical support for the deterrent effect
of capital punishment disappears when the five most recent years
are removed from his time series -- that is to say, whether a
decrease in the execution risk corresponds to an increase or a
decrease in the murder rate depends on the ending point of the
sample period.
[n10] This finding has cast severe doubts on the
reliability of Ehrlich's tentative conclusions.
[n11] Indeed, a recent regression study, based on
Ehrlich's theoretical model but using cross-section state data for
the years 1950 and 1960, found no support for the conclusion that
executions act as a deterrent.
[n12]
The Ehrlich study, in short,
is of little, if any, assistance in assessing the deterrent impact
of the death penalty. Accord, Commonwealth v. O'Neal, ___
Mass. ___, 339 N.E.2d 676, 684 (1975). The evidence I reviewed in
Furman
[n13] remains convincing, in my view, that "capital
punishment is not necessary as a deterrent to crime in our society."
408 U.S. at 353. The justification for the death penalty must be
found elsewhere.
The other principal purpose
said to be served by the death penalty is retribution.
[n14] The notion that retribution
[p237] can serve as a moral justification for the
sanction of death finds credence in the opinion of my Brothers
STEWART, POWELL, and STEVENS, and that of my Brother WHITE in
Roberts v. Louisiana, post, p. 337. See also Furman v.
Georgia, 408 U.S. at 394-395 (BURGER, C.J., dissenting). It is
this notion that I find to be the most disturbing aspect of
today's unfortunate decisions.
The concept of retribution is
a multifaceted one, and any discussion of its role in the criminal
law must be undertaken with caution. On one level, it can be said
that the notion of retribution or reprobation is the basis of our
insistence that only those who have broken the law be punished,
and, in this sense, the notion is quite obviously central to a
just system of criminal sanctions. But our recognition that
retribution plays a crucial role in determining who may be
punished by no means requires approval of retribution as a general
justification for punishment.
[n15] It is the question whether retribution can
provide a moral justification for punishment -- in particular,
capital punishment -- that we must consider.
My Brothers STEWART, POWELL,
and STEVENS offer the following explanation of the retributive
justification for capital punishment:
"The instinct for
retribution is part of the nature of man, and channeling that
instinct in the administration of criminal justice serves an
important purpose in promoting the stability of a society
governed [p238] by law. When people
begin to believe that organized society is unwilling or unable
to impose upon criminal offenders the punishment they "deserve,"
then there are sown the seeds of anarchy -- of self-help,
vigilante justice, and lynch law."
Ante at 183, quoting
from Furman v. Georgia, supra at 308 (STEWART, J.,
concurring). This statement is wholly inadequate to justify the
death penalty. As my Brother BRENNAN stated in Furman,
[t]here is no evidence
whatever that utilization of imprisonment, rather than death,
encourages private blood feuds and other disorders.
408 U.S. at 303 (concurring
opinion).
[n16] It simply defies belief to suggest that the
death penalty is necessary to prevent the American people from
taking the law into their own hands.
In a related vein, it may be
suggested that the expression of moral outrage through the
imposition of the death penalty serves to reinforce basic moral
values -- that it marks some crimes as particularly offensive, and
therefore to be avoided. The argument is akin to a deterrence
argument, but differs in that it contemplates the individual's
shrinking from antisocial conduct not because he fears punishment,
but because he has been told in the strongest possible way that
the conduct is wrong. This contention, like the previous one,
provides no support for the death penalty. It is inconceivable
that any individual concerned about conforming his conduct to what
society says is "right" would fail to realize that murder is "wrong"
if the penalty were simply life imprisonment.
The foregoing contentions --
that society's expression of moral outrage through the imposition
of the death penalty preempts the citizenry from taking the law
into its [p239] own hands and
reinforces moral values -- are not retributive in the purest sense.
They are essentially utilitarian, in that they portray the death
penalty as valuable because of its beneficial results. These
justifications for the death penalty are inadequate because the
penalty is, quite clearly I think, not necessary to the
accomplishment of those results.
There remains for
consideration, however, what might be termed the purely
retributive justification for the death penalty -- that the death
penalty is appropriate not because of its beneficial effect on
society, but because the taking of the murderer's life is itself
morally good.
[n17] Some of the language of the opinion of my
Brothers STEWART, POWELL, and STEVENS in No. 74-6257 appears
positively to embrace this notion of retribution for its own sake
as a justification for capital punishment.
[n18] They state:
[T]he decision that
capital punishment may be the appropriate sanction in extreme
cases is an expression of the community's belief that certain
crimes are themselves so grievous an affront to humanity that
the only adequate response may be the penalty of death.
Ante at 184 (footnote
omitted). [p240] They then quote with
approval from Lord Justice Denning's remarks before the British
Royal Commission on Capital Punishment:
"The truth is that some
crimes are so outrageous that society insists on adequate
punishment because the wrongdoer deserves it, irrespective of
whether it is a deterrent or not."
Ante at 184 n. 30.
Of course, it may be that
these statements are intended as no more than observations as to
the popular demands that it is thought must be responded to in
order to prevent anarchy. But the implication of the statements
appears to me to be quite different -- namely, that society's
judgment that the murderer "deserves" death must be respected not
simply because the preservation of order requires it, but because
it is appropriate that society make the judgment and carry it out.
It is this latter notion, in particular, that I consider to be
fundamentally at odds with the Eighth Amendment. See Furman v.
Georgia, 408 U.S. at 343-345 (MARSHALL, J., concurring). The
mere fact that the community demands the murderer's life in return
for the evil he has done cannot sustain the death penalty, for as
JUSTICES STEWART, POWELL, and STEVENS remind us, "the Eighth
Amendment demands more than that a challenged punishment be
acceptable to contemporary society." Ante at 182. To be
sustained under the Eighth Amendment, the death penalty must "compor[t]
with the basic concept of human dignity at the core of the
Amendment," ibid.; the objective in imposing it must be "[consistent]
with our respect for the dignity of [other] men." Ante at
183. See Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86, 100 (1958) (plurality
opinion). Under these standards, the taking of life "because the
wrongdoer deserves it" surely must [p241]
fall, for such a punishment has as its very basis the total denial
of the wrongdoer's dignity and worth.
[n19]
The death penalty, unnecessary
to promote the goal of deterrence or to further any legitimate
notion of retribution, is an excessive penalty forbidden by the
Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments. I respectfully dissent from the
Court's judgment upholding the sentences of death imposed upon the
petitioners in these cases.
It will not do to
denigrate these legislative judgments as some form of vestigial
savagery or as purely retributive in motivation, for they are
solemn judgments, reasonably based, that imposition of the death
penalty will save the lives of innocent persons.
Post at 355.
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