LAST CONFESSION AND STATEMENT OF JOHN D. LEE
WRITTEN AT HIS DICTATION AND DELIVERED TO
WILLIAM W. BISHOP,
ATTORNEY FOR LEE, WITH A REQUEST THAT THE
SAME BE PUBLISHED. Page 213 AS A DUTY to myself, my family, and mankind at large, I propose
to give a full and true statement of all that I know and all that
I did
in that unfortunate affair, which has cursed my existence, and
made me a
wanderer from place to place for the last nineteen years, and
which is
known to the world as the MOUNTAIN MEADOWS MASSACRE. I have no vindictive feeling against any one; no enemies to punish
by
this statement; and no friends to shield by keeping back, or
longer
keeping secret, any of the facts connected with the Massacre. I believe that I must tell all that I do know, and tell everything
just
as the same transpired. I shall tell the truth and permit the
public to
judge who is most to blame for the crime that I am accused of
committing. I did not act alone; I had many to assist me at the
Mountain
Meadows. I believe that most of those who were connected with the
Massacre, and took part in the lamentable transaction that has
blackened
the character of all who were aiders or abettors in the same, were
acting under the impression that they were performing a religious
duty. I know all were acting under the orders and by the command of
their
Church leaders; and I firmly believe that the most of those who
took
part in the proceedings, considered it a religious duty to
unquestioningly obey the orders which they had received. That they
acted
from a sense of duty to the Mormon Church, I
Page 214 never doubted. Believing that those with me acted from a sense of
religious duty on that occasion, I have faithfully kept the secret
of
their guilt, and remained silent and true to the oath of secrecy
which
we took on the bloody field, for many long and bitter years. I
have
never betrayed those who acted with me and participated in the
crime for
which I am convicted, and for which I am to suffer death. My attorneys, especially Wells Spicer and Wm. W. Bishop, have long
tried, but tried in vain, to induce me to tell all I knew of the
massacre and the causes which led to it. I have heretofore refused
to
tell the tale. Until the last few days I had in tended to die, if
die I
must, without giving one word to the public concerning those who
joined
willingly, or unwillingly, in the work of destruction at Mountain
Meadows. To hesitate longer, or to die in silence, would be unjust and
cowardly.
I will not keep the secret any longer as my own, but will tell all
I
know. At the earnest request of a few remaining friends, and by the
advice of
Mr. Bishop, my counsel, who has defended me thus far with all his
ability, notwithstanding my want of money with which to pay even
his
expenses while attending to my case, I have concluded to write
facts as
I know them to exist. The immediate orders for the killing of the emigrants came from
those in
authority at Cedar City. At the time of the massacre, I and those
with
me, acted by virtue of positive orders from Isaac C. Haight and
his
associates at Cedar City. Before I started on my mission to the
Mountain
Meadows, I was told by Isaac C. Haight that his orders to me were
the
result of full consultatation [sic] with Colonel William H. Dame
and all
in authority. It is a new thing to me, if the massacre was not
decided
on by the head men of the Church, and it is a new thing for
Mormons to
condemn those who committed the deed. Being forced to speak from memory alone, without the aid of my
memorandum books, and not having time to correct the statements
that I
make, I will necessarily give many things out of their regular
order.
The superiority that I claim for my statement is this:
Page 215 ALL THAT I DO SAY IS TRUE AND NOTHING BUT THE TRUTH. I will begin my statement by saying, I was born on the 6th day of
September, A. D. 1812, in the town of Kaskaskia, Randolph County,
State
of Illinois. I am therefore in the sixty-fifth year of my age. I joined the Mormon Church at Far West, Mo., about thirty-nine
years
ago. To be with that Church and people I left my home on Luck
Creek,
Fayette County, Illinois, and went and joined the Mormons in
Missouri,
before the troubles at Gallatin, Far West and other points,
between the
Missourians and Mormons. I shared the fate of my brother Mormons,
in
being mistreated, arrested, robbed and driven from Missouri in a
destitute condition, by a wild and fanatical mob. But of all this
I
shall speak in my life, which I shall write for publication if I
have
time to do so. I took an active part with the leading men at Nauvoo in building
up that
city. I induced many Saints to move to Nauvoo, for the sake of
their
souls. I traveled and preached the Mormon doctrine in many States.
I was
an honored man in the Church, and stood high with the Priesthood,
until
the last few years. I am now cut off from the Church for obeying
the
orders of my superiors, and doing so without asking questions--for
doing
as my religion and my religious teachers had taught me to do. I am
now
used by the Mormon Church as a scape-goat to carry the sins of
that
people. My life is to be taken, so that my death may stop further
enquiry into the acts of the members who are still in good
standing in
the Church. Will my death satisfy the nation for all the crimes
committed by Mormons, at the command of the Priesthood, who have
used
and now have deserted me? Time will tell. I believe in a just God,
and I
know the day will come when others must answer for their acts, as
I have
had to do. I first became acquainted with Brigham Young when I went to Far
West,
Mo., to join the Church, in 1837. I got very intimately acquainted
with
all the great leaders of the Church. I was adopted by Brigham
Young as
one of his sons, and for many years I confess I looked upon him as
an
inspired and holy man. While in Nauvoo I took an active part in
all that
was done for the Church or the city. I had charge of the building
of the
"Seventy Hall;" I was 7th Policeman. My duty as a police
Page 216 man was to guard the residence and person of Joseph Smith, the
Prophet.
After the death of Joseph and Hyrum I was ordered to perform the
same
duty for Brigham Young. When Joseph Smith was a candidate for the
Presidency of the United States I went to Kentucky as the chairman
of
the Board of Elders, or head of the delegation, to secure the vote
of
that State for him. When I returned to Nauvoo again I was General
Clerk
and Recorder for the Quorum of the Seventy. I was also head or
Chief
Clerk for the Church, and as such took an active part in
organizing the
Priesthood into the order of Seventy after the death of Joseph
Smith. After the destruction of Nauvoo, when the Mormons were driven from
the
State of Illinois, I again shared the fate of my brethren, and
partook
of the hardships and trials that befel [sic] them from that day up
to
the settlement of Salt Lake City, in the then wilderness of the
nation.
I presented Brigham Young with seventeen ox teams, fully equipped,
when
he started with the people from Winter Quarters to cross the
plains to
the new resting place of the Saints. He accepted them and said,
"God
bless you, John." But I never received a cent for them--I never
wanted
pay for them, for in giving property to Brigham Young I thought I
was
loaning it to the Lord. After reaching Salt Lake City I stayed there but a short time,
when I
went to live at Cottonwood, where the mines were afterwards
discovered
by General Connor and his men during the late war. I was just getting fixed to live there, when I was ordered to go
out
into the interior and aid in forming new settlements, and opening
up the
country. I then had no wish or desire, save that to know and be
able to
do the will of the Lord's anointed, Brigham Young, and until
within the
last few years I have never had a wish for anything else except to
do
his pleasure, since I became his adopted son. I believed it my
duty to
obey those in authority. I then believed that Brigham Young spoke
by
direction of the God of Heaven. I would have suffered death rather
than
have disobeyed any command of his. I had this feeling until he
betrayed
and deserted me. At the command of Brigham Young, I took one
hundred and
twenty-one men, went in a southern direction from Salt Lake City,
and
laid out and built up Parowan. George A. Smith was the leader and
chief
man in authority in that settlement. I acted under him
as historian and clerk of the Iron County Mission, until January,
1851.
I went with Brigham Young, and acted as a committee man, and
located
Provo, St. George, Fillmore, Parowan and other towns, and managed
the
location of many of the settlements in Southern Utah. In 1852, I moved to Harmony, and built up that settlement. I
remained
there until the Indians declared war against the whites and drove
the
settlers into Cedar City and Parowan, for protection, in the year
1853. I removed my then numerous family to Cedar City, where I was
appointed a
Captain of the militia, and commander of Cedar City Military Post. I had commanded at Cedar City about one year, when I was ordered
to
return to Harmony, and build the Harmony Fort. This order, like
all
other orders, came from Brigham Young. When I returned to Harmony
and
commenced building the fort there, the orders were given by
Brigham
Young for the reorganization of the military at Cedar City. The
old men
were requested to resign their offices, and let younger men be
appointed
in their place. I resigned my office of Captain, but Isaac C.
Haight and
John M. Higbee refued [sic] to resign, and continued to hold on as
Majors in the Iron Militia. After returning to Harmony, I was President of the civil and local
affairs, and Rufus Allen was President of that Stake of Zion, or
head of
the Church affairs. I soon resigned my position as President of civil affairs, and
became a
private citizen, and was in no office for some time. In fact, I
never
held any position after that, except the office of Probate Judge
of the
County (which office I held before and after the massacre), and
member
of the Territorial Legislature, and Delegate to the Constitutional
Convention which met and adopted a constitution for the State of
Deseret, after the massacre. I will here state that Brigham Young honored me in many ways after
the
affair at Mountain Meadows was fully reported to him by me, as I
will
more fully state hereafter in the course of what I have to relate
concerning that unfortunate transaction. Klingensmith, at my first trial, and White, at my last trial,
swore
falsely when they say that they met me near Cedar City, the Sunday
before the massacre. They did not meet me as they have sworn, nor
did
they meet me at all on that occasion or on
Page 218 any similar occasion. I never had the conversations with them that
they
testify about. They are both perjurers, and bore false testimony
against
me. There has never been a witness on the stand against me 'that has
testified to the whole truth. Some have told part truth, while
others
lied clear through, but all of the witnesses who were at the
massacre
have tried to throw all the blame on me, and to protect the other
men
who took part in it. About the 7th of September, 1857, I went to Cedar City from my
home at
Harmony, by order of President Haight. I did not know what he
wanted of
me, but he had ordered me to visit him and I obeyed. If I remember
correctly, it was on Sunday evening that I went there. When I got
to
Cedar City, I met Isaac C. Haight on the public square of the
town.
Haight was then President of that Stake of Zion, and the highest
man in
the Mormon priesthood in that country, and next to Wm. H. Dame in
all of
Southern Utah, and as Lieutenant Colonel he was second to Dame in
the
command of the Iron Military District. The word and command of
Isaac C.
Haight were the law in Cedar City, at that time, and to disobey
his
orders was certain death; be they right or wrong, no Saint was
permitted
to question them, their duty was obedience or death. When I met Haight, I asked him what he wanted with me. He said he
wanted
to have a long talk with me on private and particular business. We
took
some blankets and went over to the old Iron Works, and lay there
that
night, so that we could talk in private and in safety. After we
got to
the Iron Works, Haight told me all about the train of emigrants.
He said
(and I then believed every word that be spoke, for I believed it
was an
impossible thing for one so high in the Priesthood as he was, to
be
guilty of falsehood) that the emigrants were a rough and abusive
set of
men. That they had, while traveling through Utah, been very
abusive to
all the Mormons they met. That they had insulted, outraged, and
ravished
many of the Mormon women. That the abuses heaped upon the people
by the
emigrants during their trip from Provo to Cedar City, had been
constant
and shameful; that they had burned fences and destroyed growing
crops;
that at many points on the road they had poisoned the water, so
that all
people and stock that drank of the water became sick, and many had
died
from the effects of poison. That these vile Gentiles publicly
proclaimed
that they had the very Page 219 pistol with which the Prophet, Joseph Smith, was murdered, and had
threatened to kill Brigham Young and all of the Apostles. That
when in
Cedar City they said they would have friends in Utah who would
hang
Brigham Young by the neck until he was dead, before snow fell
again in
the Territory.. They also said that Johnston was coming, with his
army,
from the East, and they were going to return from California with
soldiers, as soon as possible, and would then desolate the land,
and
kill every d--d Mormon man, woman and child that they could find
in
Utah. That they violated the ordinances of the town of Cedar, and
had,
by armed force, resisted the officers who tried to arrest them for
violating the law. That after leaving Cedar City the emigrants
camped by
the company, or cooperative field, just below Cedar City, and
burned a
large portion of the fencing, leaving the crops open to the large
herds
of stock in the surrounding country. Also that they had given
poisoned
meat to the Corn Creek tribe of Indians, which had killed several
of
them, and their Chief, Konosh, was on the trail of the emigrants,
and
would soon attack them. All of these things, and much more of a
like
kind, Haight told me as we lay in the dark at the old Iron Works.
I
believed all that he said, and, thinking that he had full right to
do
all that he wanted to do, I was easily induced to follow his
instructions. Haight said that unless something was done to prevent it, the
emigrants
would carry out their threats and rob every one of the outlying
settlements in the South, and that the whole Mormon people were
liable
to be butchered by the troops that the emigrants would bring back
with
them from California. I was then told that the Council had held a
meeting that day, to consider the matter, and that it was decided
by the
authorities to arm the Indians, give them provisions and
ammunition, and
send them after the emigrants, and have the Indians give them a
brush,
and if they killed part or all of them, so much the better. I said, "Brother Haight, who is your authority for acting in this
way?" He replied, "It is the will of all in authority. The emigrants
have no
pass from any one to go through the country, and they are liable
to be
killed as common enemies, for the country is at war now. No man
has a
right to go through this country without a written pass." We lay there and talked much of the night, and during that
Page 220 time Haight gave me very full instructions what to do, and how to
proceed in the whole affair. He said he had consulted with Colonel
Dame,
and every one agreed to let the Indians use up the whole train if
they
could. Haight then said: "I expect you to carry out your orders." I knew I had to obey or die. I had no wish to disobey, for I then
thought that my superiors in the Church were the mouth pieces of
Heaven,
and that it was an act of godliness for me to obey any and all
orders
given by them to me, without my asking any questions. My orders were to go home to Harmony, and see Carl Shirts, my
son-in-law, an Indian interpreter, and send him to the Indians in
the
South, to notify them that the Mormons and Indians were at war
with the
"Mericats" (as the Indians called all whites that were not
Mormons) and
bring all the Southern Indians up and have them join with those
from the
North, so that their force would be sufficient to make a
successful
attack on the emigrants. It was agreed that Haight would send Nephi Johnson, another Indian
interpreter, to stir up all the other Indians that he could find,
in
order to have a large enough force of Indians to give the
emigrants a
good hush. He said, "These are the orders that have been agreed
upon by
the Council, and it is in accordance with the feelings of the
entire
people." I asked him if it would not have been better to first send to
Brigham
Young for instructions, and find out what he thought about the
matter. "No," said Haight, "that is unnecessary, we are acting by orders.
Some
of the Indians are now on the war-path, and all of them must be
sent
out; all must go, so as to make the thing a success. It was then intended that the Indians should kill the emigrants,
and
make it an Indian massacre, and not have any whites interfere with
them.
No whites were to be known in the matter, it was to be all done by
the
Indians, so that it could be laid to them, if any questions were
ever
asked about it. I said to Haight: "You know what the Indians are. They will kill all the party,
women and
children, as well as the men, and you know we are sworn not to
shed
innocent blood." "Oh h--l!" said he, "there will not be one drop of innocent
Page 221 blood shed, if every one of the d--d pack are killed, for they are
the
worse lot of out-laws and ruffians that I ever saw in my life." We agreed upon the whole thing, how each one should act, and then
left
the iron works, and went to Haight's house and, got breakfast. After breakfast I got ready to start, and Haight said to me: "Go, Brother Lee, and see that the instructions of those in
authority
are obeyed, and as you are dutiful in this, so shall your reward
be in
the kingdom of God, for God will bless those who willingly obey
counsel,
and make all things fit for the people in these last days." I left Cedar City for my home at Harmony, to carry out the
instructions
that I had received from my superior. I then believed that he acted by the direct order and command of
William
H. Dame, and others even higher in authority than Colonel Dame.
One
reason for thinking so was from a talk I had only a few days
before,
with Apostle George A. Smith, and he had just then seen Haight,
and
talked with him, and I knew that George A. Smith never talked of
things
that Brigham Young had not talked over with him before-hand. Then
the
Mormons were at war with the United States, and the orders to the
Mormons had been all the time to kill and waste away our enemies,
but
lose none of our people. These emigrants were from the section of
country most hostile to our people, and I believed then as I do
now,
that it was the will of every true Mormon in Utah, at that time,
that
the enemies of the Church should be killed as fast as possible,
and that
as this lot of people had men amongst them that were supposed to
have
helped kill the Prophets in the Carthage jail, the killing of all
of
them would be keeping our oaths and avenging the blood of the
Prophets. In justice to myself I will give the facts of my talk with George
A.
Smith. In the latter part of the month of August, 1857, about ten days
before
the company of Captain Fancher, who met their doom at Mountain
Meadows,
arrived at that place, General George A. Smith called on me at one
of my
homes at Washington City, Washington County, Utah Territory, and
wished
me to take him round by Fort Clara, via Pinto Settlements, to
Hamilton
Fort, or Cedar City. He said, "I have been sent down here by the old Boss, Brigham Young,
Page 222 to Instruct the brethren of the different settlements not to sell
any of
their grain to our enemies. And to tell them not, to feed it to
their
animals, for it will all be needed by ourselves. I am also to
instruct
the brethren to prepare for a big fight, for the enemy is coming
in
large force to attempt our destruction. But Johnston's army will
not be
allowed to approach our settlements from the east. God is on our
side
and will fight our battles for us, and deliver our enemies into
our
hands. Brigham Young has received revelations from God, giving him
the
right and the power to call down the curse of God on all our
enemies who
attempt to invade our Territory. Our greatest danger lies in the
people
of California--a class of reckless miners who are strangers to God
and
his righteousness. They are likely to come upon us from the south
and
destroy the small settlements. But we will try and outwit them
before we
suffer much damage. The people of the United States who oppose our
Church and people are a mob, from the President down, and as such
it is
impossible for their armies to prevail against the Saints who have
gathered here in the mountains." He continued this kind of talk for some hours to me and my friends
who
were with me. General George A. Smith held high rank as a military leader. He
was one
of the twelve apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day
Saints, and as such he was considered by me to be an inspired man.
His
orders were to me sacred commands, which I considered it my duty
to
obey, without question or hesitation. I took my horses and carriage and drove with him to either
Hamilton Fort
or Cedar City, visiting the settlements with him, as he had
requested. I
did not go to hear him preach at any of our stopping places, nor
did I
pay attention to what he said to the leaders in the settlements. The day we left Fort Clara, which was then the headquarters of the
Indian missionaries under the presidency of Jacob Hamblin, we
stopped to
noon at the Clara River. While there the Indians gathered around
us in
large numbers, and were quite saucy and impudent. Their chiefs
asked me
where I was going and who I had with me. I told them that he was a
big
captain. "Is he, a Mericat Captain?" "No," I said, "he is a Mormon."
Page 223 The Indians then wanted to know more. They wanted to have a talk. The General told me to tell the Indians that the Mormons were
their
friends, and that the Americans were their enemies, and the
enemies of
the Mormons, too; that he wanted the Indians to remain the fast
friends
of the Mormons, for the Mormons were all friends to the Indians;
that
the Americans had a large army just east of the mountains, and
intended
to come over the mountains into Utah and kill all of the Mormons
and
Indians in Utah Territory; that the Indians must get ready and
keep
ready for war against all of the Americans, and keep friendly with
the
Mormons and obey what the Mormons told them to do--that this was
the
will of the Great Spirit; that if the Indians were true to the
Mormons
and would help them against their enemies, then the Mormons would
always
keep them from want and sickness and give them guns and ammunition
to
hunt and kill game with, and would also help the Indians against
their
enemies when they went into war. This talk pleased the Indians, and they agreed to all that I asked
them
to do. I saw that my friend Smith was a little nervous and fearful of the
Indians, notwithstanding their promises of friendship. To relieve
him of
his anxiety I hitched up and started on our way, as soon as I
could do
so without rousing the suspicions of the Indians. We had ridden along about a mile or so when General Smith said, "Those are savage looking fellows. I think they would make it
lively for
an emigrant train if one should come this way." I said I thought they would attack any train that would come in
their
way. Then the General was in a deep study for some time, when he
said, "Suppose an emigrant train should come along through this southern
country, making threats against our people and bragging of the
part they
took in helping kill our Prophets, what do you think the brethren
would
do with them? Would they be permitted to go their way, or would
the
brethren pitch into them and give them a good drubbing?" I reflected a few moments, and then said, "You know the brethren are now under the influence of the late
reformation, and are still red-hot for the gospel.
Page 224 The brethren believe the government wishes to destroy them. I
really
believe that any train of emigrants that may come through here
will be
attacked, and. probably all destroyed. I am sure they would be
wiped out
if they had been making threats again our people. Unless emigrants
have
a pass from Brigham Young, or some one in authority, they will
certainly
never get safely through this country." My reply pleased him very much, and he laughed heartily, and then
said, "Do you really believe the brethren would make it lively for such
a
train?" I said, "Yes, sir, I know they will, unless they are protected by
a
pass, and I wish to inform you that unless you want every train
captured
that comes through here, you must inform Governor Young that if he
wants
emigrants to pass, without being molested, he must send orders to
that
effect to Colonel Wm. H. Dame or Major Isaac C. Haight, so that
they can
give passes to the emigrants, for their passes will insure safety,
but
nothing else will, except the positive orders of Governor Young,
as the
people are all bitter against the Gentiles, and full of religious
zeal,
and anxious to avenge the blood of the Prophets." The only reply he made was to the effect that on his way down from
Salt
Lake City he had had a long talk with Major Haight on the same
subject,
and that Haight had assured him, and given him to understand, that
emigrants who came along without a pass from Governor Young could
not
escape from the Territory. We then rode along in silence for some distance, when he again
turned to
me and said, "Brother Lee, I am satisfied that the brethren are under the full
influence of the reformation, and I believe they will do just as
you say
they will with the wicked emigrants that come through the country
making
threats and abusing our people." I repeated my views to him, but at much greater length, giving my
reasons in full for thinking that Governor Young should give
orders to
protect all the emigrants that he did not wish destroyed. I went
into a
full statement of the wrongs of our people, and told him that the
people
were under the blaze of the reformation, full of wild fire and
fanaticism, and that to shed the blood of those who would dare to
speak
against the Mormon Church or its leaders, they would consider
doing the Page 225 will of God, and that the people would do it as willingly and
cheerfully
as they would any other duty. That the apostle Paul, when he
started
forth to persecute the followers of Christ, was not any more
sincere
than every Mormon was then, who lived in Southern Utah. My words served to cheer up the General very much; he was greatly
delighted, and said, "I am glad to hear so good an account of our people. God will
bless them
for all that they do to build up His Kingdom in the last days." General Smith did not say one word to me or intimate to me, that
he
wished any emigrants to pass in safety through the Territory. But
he led
me to believe then, as I believe now, that he did want, and
expected
every emigrant to be killed that undertook to pass through the
Territory
while we were at war with the Government. I thought it was his
mission
to prepare the people for the bloody work. I have always believed, since that day, that General George A.
Smith was
then visiting Southern Utah to prepare the people for the work of
exterminating Captain Fancher's train of emigrants, and I now
believe
that he was sent for that purpose by the direct command of Brigham
Young. I have been told by Joseph Wood, Thomas T. Willis, and many
others, that
they heard George A. Smith preach at Cedar City during that trip,
and
that he told the people of Cedar City that the emigrant's were
coming,
and he told them that they must not sell that company any grain or
provisions of any kind, for they were a mob of villains and
outlaws, and
the enemies of God and the Mormon people. Sidney Littlefield, of Panguitch, has told me that he was knowing
to the
fact of Colonel Wm. H. Dame sending orders from Parowan to Maj.
Haight,
at Cedar City, to exterminate the Francher [sic] outfit, and to
kill
every emigrant without fail. Littlefield then lived at Parowan,
and Dame
was the Presiding Bishop. Dame still has all the wives he wants,
and is
a great friend of Brigham Young. The knowledge of how George A. Smith felt toward the emigrants,
and his
telling me that he had a long talk with Haight on the subject,
made me
certain that it was the wish of the Church authorities that
Francher
[sic] and his train should be wiped out, and knowing all this, I
did not
doubt then, and I do not Page 226 doubt it now, either, that Haight was acting by full authority
from the
Church leaders, and that the orders he gave to me were just the
orders
that he had been directed to give, when he ordered me to raise the
Indians and have them attack the emigrants. I acted through the whole matter in a way that I considered it my
religious duty to act, and if what I did was a crime, it was a
crime of
the Mormon Church, and not a crime for which I feel individually
responsible. I must here state that Klingensmith was not in Cedar City that
Sunday
night. Haight said he had sent Klingensmith and others over
towards
Pinto, and around there, to stir up the Indians and force them to
attack
the emigrants. On my way from Cedar City to my home at Harmony, I came up with a
large
band of Indians under Moquetas and Big Bill, two Cedar City
Chiefs; they
were in their war paint, and fully equipped for battle. They
halted when
I came up and said they had had a big talk with Haight, Higby and
Klingensmith, and had got orders from them to follow up the
emigrants
and kill them all, and take their property as the spoil of their
enemies. These Indians wanted me to go with them and command their forces.
I told
them that I could not go with them that evening, that I had orders
from
Haight, the big Captain, to send other Indians on the war-path to
help
them kill the emigrants, and that I must attend to that first;
that I
wanted them to go on near where the emigrants were and camp until
the
other Indians joined them; that I would meet them the next day and
lead
them. This satisfied them, but they wanted me to send my little Indian
boy,
Clem, with them. After some time I consented to let Clem go with
them,
and I returned home. When I got home I told Carl Shirts what the orders were that
Haight had
sent to him. Carl was naturally cowardly and was not willing to
go, but
I told him the orders must be obeyed. He then started off that
night, or
early next morning, to stir up the Indians of the South, and lead
them
against the emigrants. The emigrants were then camped at Mountain
Meadows. The Indians did not obey my instructions. They met, several
hundred
strong, at the Meadows, and attacked the emigrants Tuesday
morning, just
before daylight, and at the first fire, as I afterwards learned,
they
killed seven and wounded sixteen of Page 227 the emigrants. The latter fought bravely, and repulsed the
Indians,
killing some of them and breaking the knees of two war chiefs, who
afterwards died. The news of the battle was carried all over the country by Indian
runners, and the excitement was great in all the small
settlements. I
was notified of what had taken place, early Tuesday morning, by an
Indian who came to my house and gave me a full account of all that
had
been done. The Indian said it was the wish of all the Indians that
I
should lead them, and that I must go back with him to the camp. I started at once, and by taking the Indian trail over the
mountain, I
reached the camp in about twelve miles from Harmony. To go round
by the
wagon road it would have been between forty and fifty miles. When I reached the camp I found the Indians in a frenzy of
excitement.
They threatened to kill me unless I agreed to lead them against
the
emigrants, and help them kill them. They also said they had been
told
that they could kill the emigrants without danger to themselves,
but
they had lost some of their braves, and others were wounded, and
unless
they could kill all the "Mericats," as they called them, they
would
declare war against the Mormons and kill every one in the
settlements. I did as well as I could under the circumstances. I was the only
white
man there, with a wild and excited band of several hundred
Indians. I
tried to persuade them that all would be well, that I was their
friend
and would see that they bad their revenge, if I found out that
they were
entitled to revenge. My talk only served to increase their excitement, and being afraid
that
they would kill me if I undertook to leave them, and I would not
lead
them against the emigrants, so I told them that I would go south
and
meet their friends, and hurry them up to help them. I intended to
put a
stop to the carnage if I had the power, for I believed that the
emigrants had been sufficiently punished for what they had done,
and I
felt then, and always have felt that such wholesale murdering was
wrong. At first the Indians would not consent for me to leave them, but
they
finally said I might go and meet their friends. I then got on my horse and left the Meadows, and went south. I had gone about sixteen miles, when I met Carl Shirts with about
one
hundred Indians, and a number of Mormons from the southern
settlements.
They were going to the scene of the con-
Page 228 flict. How they learned of the emigrants being at the Meadows I
never
knew, but they did know it, and were there fully armed, and
determined
to obey orders. Amongst those that I remember to have met there, were Samuel
Knight,
Oscar Hamblin, William Young, Carl Shirts, Harrison Pearce, James
Pearce, John W. Clark, William Slade, Sr., James Matthews, Dudley
Leavitt, William Hawley, (now a resident of Fillmore, Utah
Territory,)
William Slade, Jr., and two others whose names I have forgotten. I
think
they were George W. Adair and John Hawley. I know they were at the
Meadows at the time of the massacre, and I think I met them that
night
south of the Meadows, with Samuel Knight and the others. The whites camped there that night with me, but most of the
Indians
rushed on to their friends at the camp on the Meadows. I reported to the whites all that had taken place at the Meadows,
but
none of them were surprised in the least. They all seemed to know
that
the attack was to be made, and all about it. I spent one of the
most
miserable nights there that I ever passed in my life. I spent much
of
the night in tears and at prayer. I wrestled with God for wisdom
to
guide me. I asked for some sign, some evidence that would satisfy
me
that my mission was of Heaven, but I got no satisfaction from my
God. In the morning we all agreed to go on together to Mountain
Meadows, and
camp there, and then send a messenger to Haight, giving him full
instructions of what had been done, and to ask him for further
instructions. We knew that the original plan was for the Indians
to do
all the work, and the whites to do nothing, only to stay back and
plan
for them, and encourage them to do the work. Now we knew the
Indians
could not do the work, and we were in a sad fix. I did not then know that a messenger had been sent to Brigham
Young for
instructions. Haight had not mentioned it to me. I now think that
James
Haslem was sent to Brigham Young, as a sharp play on the part of
the
authorities to protect themselves, if trouble ever grew out of the
matter. We went to the Meadows and camped at the springs, about half a
mile from
the emigrant camp. There was a larger number of Indians there
then,
fully three hundred, and I think as many as four hundred of them.
The
two Chiefs who were shot in the knee were in a bad fix. The
Indians had
killed a number of the emigrants' horses, and about sixty or
seventy
head Page 229 of cattle were lying dead on the Meadows, which the Indians bad
killed
for spite and revenge. Our company killed a small beef for dinner, and after eating a
hearty
meal of it we held a council and decided to send a messenger to
Haight.
I said to the messenger, who was either Edwards or Adair, (I
cannot now
remember which it was), "Tell Haight, for my sake, for the
people's
sake, for God's sake, send me help to protect and save these
emigrants,
and pacify the Indians." The messenger started for Cedar City, from our camp on the
Meadows,
about 2 o'clock P. M. We all staid [sic] on the field, and I tried to quiet and pacify
the
Indians, by telling them that I had sent to Haight, the Big
Captain, for
orders, and when he sent his order I would know what to do. This
appeared to satisfy the Indians, for said they, "The Big Captain will send you word to kill all the Mericats." Along toward evening the Indians again attacked the emigrants.
This was
Wednesday. I heard the report of their guns, and the screams of
the
women and children in the corral. This was more than I could stand. So I ran with William Young and
John
Mangum, to where the Indians were, to stop the fight. While on the
way
to them they fired a volley, and three balls from their guns cut
my
clothing. One ball went through my hat and cut my hair on the side
of my
head. One ball went through my shirt and leaded my shoulder, the
other
cut my pants across my bowels. I thought this was rather warm
work, but
I kept on until I reached the place where the Indians were in
force.
When I got to them, I told them the Great Spirit would be mad at
them if
they killed the women and children. I talked to them some time,
and
cried with sorrow when I saw that I could not pacify the savages. When the Indians saw me in tears, they called me "Yaw Guts," which
in
the Indian language means "cry baby," and to this day they call me
by
that name, and consider me a coward. Oscar Hamblin was a fine interpreter, and he came to my aid and
helped
me to induce the Indians to stop the attack. By his help we got
the
Indians to agree to be quiet until word was returned from Haight.
(I do
not know now but what the messenger started for Cedar City, after
this
night attack, but I was so worried and perplexed at that time, and
so
much has hap- Page 230 pened to distract my thoughts since then, that my mind is not
clear on
that subject.) On Thursday, about noon, several men came to us from Cedar City. I
cannot remember the order in which all of the people came to the
Meadows, but I do recollect that at this time and in this company
Joel
White, William C. Stewart, Benjamin Arthur, Alexander Wilden,
Charles
Hopkins and ---- Tate, came to us at the camp at the Springs.
These men
said but little, but every man seemed to know just what he was
there
for. As our messenger had gone for further orders, we moved our
camp
about, four hundred yards further up the valley on to a hill,
where we
made camp as long as we staid [sic] there. I soon learned that the
whites were as wicked at heart as the Indians, for every little
while
during that day I saw white men. taking aim and shooting at the
emigrants' wagons. They said they were doing it to keep in
practice and
to help pass off the time. I remember one man that was shooting, that rather amused me, for
he was
shooting at a mark over a quarter of a mile off, and his gun would
not
carry a ball two hundred yards. That man was Alexander Wilden. He
took
pains to fix up a seat under the shade of a tree, where he
continued to
load and shoot until he got tired. Many of the others acted just
as wild
and foolish as Wilden did. The wagons were corraled [sic] after the Indians had made the
first
attack. On the second day after our arrival the emigrants drew
their
wagons near each other and chained the wheels one to the other.
While
they were doing this there was no shooting going on. Their camp
was
about one hundred yards above and north of the spring. They
generally
got their water from the spring at night. Thursday morning I saw two men start from the corral with buckets,
and
run to the spring and fill their buckets with water, and go back
again.
The bullets flew around them thick and fast, but they got into
their
corral in safety. The Indians had agreed to keep quiet until orders returned from
Haight,
but they did not keep their word. They made a determined attack on
the
train on Thursday morning about daylight. At this attack the Clara
Indians had one brave killed and three wounded. This so enraged
that
band that they left for Page 231 home that day and drove off quite a number of cattle with them.
During
the day I said to John Mangum, "I will cross over the valley and go up on the other side, on the
hills
to the west of the corral, and take a look at the situation." I did go. As I was crossing the valley I was seen by the
emigrants, and
as soon as they saw that I was a white man they ran up a white
flag in
the middle of their corral, or camp. They 'then sent two little
boys
from the camp to talk to me, but I could not talk to them at that
time,
for I did not know what orders Haight would send back to me, and
until I
did know his orders I did not know how to act. I hid, to keep away
from
the children. They came to the place where they had last seen me
and
hunted all around for me, but being unable to find me, they turned
and
went back to the camp in safety. While the boys were looking for me several Indians came to me and
asked
for ammunition with which to kill them. I told them they must not
hurt
the children--that if they did I would kill the first one that
made the
attempt to injure them. By this act I was able to save the boys. It is all false that has been told about little girls being
dressed in
white and sent out to me. There never was anything of the kind
done. I staid [sic] on the west side of the valley for about two hours,
looking down into the emigrant camp, and feeling all the torture
of mind
that it is possible for a man to suffer who feels merciful, and
yet
knows, as I then knew, what was in store for that unfortunate
company if
the Indians were successful in their bloody designs. While I was standing on the hill looking down into the corral, I
saw two
men leave the corral and go outside to cut some wood; the Indians
and
whites kept up a steady fire on them all the time, but they paid
no
attention to danger, and kept right along at their work until they
had
it done, and then they went back into camp. The men all acted so
bravely
that it was impossible to keep from respecting them. After staying there and looking down into the camp until I was
nearly
dead from grief, I returned to the company at camp. I was worn out
with
trouble and grief; I was nearly wild waiting for word from the
authorities at Cedar City. I prayed for Page 232 word to come that would enable me to save that band of suffering
people,
but no such word came. It never was to come. On Thursday evening, John M. Higbee, Major of the Iron Militia,
and
Philip K. Smith, as he is called generally, but whose name is
Klingensmith, Bishop of Cedar City, came to our camp with two or
three
wagons, and a number of men all well armed. I can remember the
following
as a portion of the men who came to take part in the work of death
which
was so soon to follow, viz.: John M. Higbee, Major and commander
of the
Iron Militia, and also first counselor to Isaac C. Haight; Philip
Klingensmith, Bishop of Cedar City; Ira Allen, of the High
Council;
Robert Wiley, of the High Council; Richard Harrison, of Pinto,
also a
member of the High Council; Samuel McMurdy, one of the Counselors
of
Klingensmith; Charles Hopkins, of the City Council of Cedar City;
Samuel
Pollock; Daniel McFarland, a son-in-law of Isaac C. Haight, and
acting
as Adjutant under Major Higbee; John Ure, of the City Council;
George
Hunter, of the City Council; and I honestly believe that John
McFarland,
now an attorney-at-law at St. George, Utah, was there--I am not
positive
that he was, but my best impression is that he was there: Samuel
Jukes;
Nephi Johnson, with a number of Indians under his command; Irvin
Jacobs;
John Jacobs; E. Curtis, a Captain of Ten; Thomas Cartwright of the
City
Council and High Council; William Bateman, who afterwards carried
the
flag of truce to the emigrant camp; Anthony Stratton; A.
Loveridge;
Joseph Clews; Jabez Durfey; Columbus Freeman, and some others
whose
names I cannot remember. I know that our total force was
fifty-four
whites and over three hundred Indians. As soon as these persons gathered around the camp, I demanded of
Major
Higbee what orders he had brought. I then stated fully all that
had
happened at the Meadows, so that every person might understand the
situation. Major Higbee reported as follows: "It is the orders of the
President,
that all the emigrants must be put out of the way. President
Haight has
counseled with Colonel Dame, or has had orders from him to put all
of
the emigrants out of the way; none who are old enough to talk are
to be
spared." He then went on and said substantially that the emigrants had come
through the country as our enemies, and as the enemies of the
Church of
Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints. That they
Page 233 had no pass from any one in authority to permit them to leave the
Territory. That none but friends were permitted to leave the
Territory,
and that as these were our sworn enemies, they must be killed.
That they
were nothing but a portion of Johnston's army. That if they were
allowed
to go on to California, they would raise the war cloud in the
West, and
bring certain destruction upon all the settlements in Utah. That
the
only safety for the people was in the utter destruction of the
whole
rascally lot. I then told them that God would have to change my heart before I
could
consent to such a wicked thing as the wholesale killing of that
people.
I attempted to reason with Higbee and the brethren. I told them
how
strongly the emigrants were fortified, and how wicked it was to
kill the
women and children. I was ordered to be silent. Higbee said I was
resisting authority. He then said, "Brother Lee is afraid of shedding innocent blood.
Why,
brethren, there is not a drop of innocent blood in that entire
camp of
Gentile outlaws; they are set of cut-throats, robbers and
assassins;
they are a part of the people who drove the Saints from Missouri,
and
who aided to shed the blood of our Prophets, Joseph and Hyrum, and
it is
our orders from all in authority, to get the emigrants from their
stronghold, and help the Indians kill them." I then said that Joseph Smith had told us never to betray any one.
That
we could not get the emigrants out of their corral unless we used
treachery, and I was opposed to that. I was interrupted by Higbee, Klingensmith and Hopkins, who said it
was
the orders of President Isaac C. Haight to us, and that Haight had
his
orders from Colonel Dame and the authorities at Parowan, and that
all in
authority were of one mind, and that they had been sent by the
Council
at Cedar City to the Meadows to counsel and direct the way and
manner
that the company of emigrants should be disposed of. The men then in council, I must here state, now knelt down in a
prayer
circle and prayed, invoking the Spirit of God to direct them how
to act
in the matter. After prayer, Major Higbee said, "Here are the orders," and handed
me a
paper from Haight. It was in substance that it was the orders of
Haight
to decoy the emigrants from their position, and kill all of them
that
could talk. This order was in Page 234 writing. Higbee handed it to me and I read it, and dropped it on
the
ground, saying, "I cannot do this." The substance of the orders were that the emigrants should be
decoyed
from their strong-hold, and all exterminated, so that no one would
be
left to tell the tale, and then the authorities could say it was
done by
the Indians. The words decoy and exterminate were used in that message or
order, and
these orders came to us as the orders from the Council at Cedar
City,
and as the orders of our military superior, that we were bound to
obey.
The order was signed by Haight, as commander of the troops at
Cedar
City. Haight told me the next day after the massacre, while on the
Meadows,
that he got his orders from Colonel Dame. I then left the Council, and went away to myself, and bowed myself
in
prayer before God, and asked Him to overrule the decision of that
Council. I shed many bitter tears, and my tortured soul was wrung
nearly
from the body by my great suffering. I will here say, calling upon
Heaven, angels, and the spirits of just men to witness what I say,
that
if I could then have had a thousand worlds to command, I would
have
given them freely to save that company from death. While in bitter anguish, lamenting the sad condition of myself and
others, Charles Hopkins, a man that I had great confidence in,
came to
me from the Council, and tried to comfort me by saying that he
believed
it was all right, for the brethren in the Priesthood were all
united in
the thing, and it would not be well for me to oppose them. I told him the Lord must change my heart before I could ever do
such an
act willingly. I will further state that there was a reign of
terror in
Utah, at that time, and many a man had been put out of the way, on
short
notice, for disobedience, and I had made some narrow escapes. At the earnest solicitation of Brother Hopkins, I returned with
him to
the Council. When I got back, the Council again prayed for aid.
The
Council was called The City Counselors, the Church or High
Counselors;
and all in authority, together with the private citizens, then
formed a
circle, and kneeling down, so that elbows would touch each other,
several of the brethren prayed for Divine instructions. After prayer, Major Higbee said, "I have the evidence of God's
Page 235 approval of our mission. It is God's will that we carry out our
instructions to the letter." I said, "My God! this is more than I can do. I must and do refuse
to
take part in this matter." Higbee then said to me, "Brother Lee, I am ordered by President
Haight
to inform you that you shall receive a crown of Celestial glory
for your
faithfulness, and your eternal joy shall be complete." I was much
shaken
by this offer, for I had full faith in the power of the Priesthood
to
bestow such rewards and blessings, but I was anxious to save the
people.
I then proposed that we give the Indians all of the stock of the
emigrants, except sufficient to haul their wagons, and let them
go. To
this proposition all the leading men objected. No man there raised
his
voice or hand to favor the saving of life, except myself. The meeting was then addressed by some one in authority, I do not
remember who it was. He spoke in about this language: "Brethren,
we have
been sent here to perform a duty. It is a duty that we owe to God,
and
to our Church and people. The orders of those in authority are
that all
the emigrants must die. Our leaders speak with inspired tongues,
and
their orders come from the God of Heaven. We have no right to
question
what they have commanded us to do; it is our duty to obey. If we
wished
to act as some of our weak-kneed brethren desire us to do, it
would be
impossible; the thing has gone too far to allow us to stop now.
The
emigrants know that we have aided the Indians, and if we let them
go
they will bring certain destruction upon us. It is a fact that on
Wednesday night, two of the emigrants got out of camp and started
back
to Cedar City for assistance to withstand the Indian attacks; they
had
reached Richards' Springs when they met William C. Stewart, Joel
White
and Benjamin Arthur, three of our brethren from Cedar City. The
men
stated their business to the brethren, and as their horses were
drinking
at the Spring, Brother Stewart, feeling unusually full of zeal for
the
glory of God and the upbuilding of the Kingdom of God on earth,
shot and
killed one of the emigrants, a young man by the name of Aden. When
Aden
fell from his horse, Joel White shot and wounded the other
Gentile; but
he unfortunately got away, and returned to his camp and reported
that
the Mormons were helping the Indians in all that they were doing
against
the emigrants. Now the emigrants will report these facts in
California
if we let them go. We must kill them Page 236 all, and our orders are to get them out by treachery if no other
thing
can be done to get them into our power." Many of the brethren spoke in the same way, all arguing that the
orders
must be carried out. I was then told the plan of action had been agreed upon, and it
was
this: The emigrants were to be decoyed from their strong-hold
under a
promise of protection. Brother William Bateman was to carry a flag
of
truce and demand a parley, and then I was to go and arrange the
terms of
the surrender. I was to demand that all the children who were so
young
they could not talk should be put into a wagon, and the wounded
were
also to be put into a wagon. Then all the arms and ammunition of
the
emigrants should be put into a wagon, and I was to agree that the
Mormons would protect the emigrants from the Indians and conduct
them to
Cedar City in safety, where they should be protected until an
opportunity came for sending them to California. It was agreed that when I had made the full agreement and treaty,
as the
brethren called it, the wagons should start for Hamblin's Ranch
with the
arms, the wounded and the children. The women were to march on
foot and
follow the wagons in single file; the men were to follow behind
the
women, they also to march in single file. Major John M. Higbee was
to
stand with his militia company about two hundred yards from the
camp,
and stand in double file, open order, with about twenty feet space
between the files, so that the wagons could pass between them. The
drivers were to keep right along, and not stop at the troops. The
women
were not to stop there, but to follow the wagons. The troops were
to
halt the men for a few minutes, until the women were some distance
ahead, out into the cedars, where the Indians were hid in ambush.
Then
the march was to be resumed, the troops to form in single file,
each
soldier to walk by an emigrant, and on the right-hand side of his
man,
and the soldier was to carry his gun on his left arm, ready for
instant
use. The march was to continue until the wagons had passed beyond
the
ambush of the Indians, and until the women were right in the midst
of
the Indians. Higbee was then to give the orders and words, "Do
Your
Duty." At this the troops were to shoot down the men; the Indians
were
to kill all of the women and larger children, and the drivers of
the
wagons and I were to kill the wounded and sick men that were in
the
wagons. Two Page 237 men were to be placed on horses nearby, to overtake and kill any
of the
emigrants that might escape from the first assault. The Indians
were to
kill the women and large children, so that it would be certain
that no
Mormon would be guilty of shedding innocent blood--if it should
happen
that there was any innocent blood in the company that were to die.
Our
leading men said that there was no innocent blood in the whole
company. The Council broke up a little after daylight on Friday morning.
All the
horses, except two for the men to ride to overtake those who might
escape, and one for Dan McFarland to ride as Adjutant, so that he
could
carry orders from one part of the field to another, were turned
out on
the range. Then breakfast was eaten, and the brethren prepared for
the
work in hand. I was now satisfied that it was the wish of all of the Mormon
priesthood
to have the thing done. One reason for thinking so was that it was
in
keeping with the teachings of the leaders, and as Utah was then at
war
with the United States we believed all the Gentiles were to be
killed as
a war measure, and that the Mormons, as God's chosen people, were
to
hold and inhabit the earth and rule and govern the globe. Another,
and
one of my strongest reasons for believing that the leaders wished
the
thing done, was on account of the talk that I had with George A.
Smith,
which I have given in full in this statement. I was satisfied that
Smith
had passed the emigrants while on his way from Salt Lake City, and
I
then knew this was the train that he meant when he spoke of a
train that
would make threats and illtreat our people, etc. The people were in the full blaze of the reformation and anxious
to do
some act that would add to their reputation as zealous Churchmen. I therefore, taking all things into consideration, and believing,
as I
then did, that my superiors were inspired men, who could not go
wrong in
any matter relating to the Church or the duty of its members,
concluded
to be obedient to the wishes of those in authority. I took up my
cross
and prepared to do my duty. Soon after breakfast Major Higbee ordered the two Indian
interpreters,
Carl Shirts and Nephi Johnson, to inform the Indians of the plan
of
operations, and to place the Indians in ambush, so that they could
not
be seen by the emigrants until the work of death should commence. This was done in order to make the emigrants believe that we
Page 238 had sent the Indians away, and that we were acting honestly and in
good
faith, when we agreed to protect them from the savages. The orders were obeyed, and in five minutes not an Indian could be
seen
on the whole Meadows. They secreted themselves and lay still as
logs of
wood, until the order was given for them to rush out and kill the
women. Major Higbee then called all the people to order, and directed me
to
explain the whole plan to them. I did so, explaining just how
every
person was expected to act during the whole performance. Major Higbee then gave the order for his men to advance. They
marched to
the spot agreed upon, and halted there. William Bateman was then
selected to carry a flag of truce to the emigrants and demand
their
surrender, and I was ordered to go and make the treaty after some
one
had replied to our flag of truce. (The emigrants had kept a white
flag
flying in their camp ever since they saw me cross the valley.) Bateman took a white flag and started for the emigrant camp. When
he got
about half way to the corral, he was met by one of the emigrants,
that I
afterwards learned was named Hamilton. They talked some time, but
I
never knew what was said between them. Brother Bateman returned to the command and said that the
emigrants
would accept our terms, and surrender as we required them to do. I was then ordered by Major Higbee to go to the corral and
negotiate the
treaty, and superintend the whole matter. I was again ordered to
be
certain and get all the arms and ammunition into the wagons. Also
to put
the children and the sick and wounded in the wagons, as had been
agreed
upon in council. Then Major Higbee said to me: "Brother Lee, we expect you to faithfully carry out all the
instructions
that have been given you by our council." Samuel McMurdy and Samuel Knight were then ordered to drive their
teams
and follow me to the corral to haul off the children, arms, etc. The troops formed in two lines, as had been agreed upon, and were
standing in that way with arms at rest, when I left them. I walked ahead of the wagons up to the corral. When I reached
there I
met Mr. Hamilton on the outside of the camp.
Page 239 He loosened the chains from some of their wagons, and moved one
wagon
out of the way, so that our teams could drive inside of the corral
and
into their camp. It was then noon, or a little after. I found that the emigrants were strongly fortified; their wagons
were
chained to each other in a circle. In the centre [sic] was a
rifle-pit,
large enough to contain the entire company. This had served to
shield
them from the constant fire of their enemy, which had been poured
into
them from both sides of the valley, from a rocky range that served
as a
breastwork for their assailants. The valley at this point was not
more
than five hundred yards wide, and the emigrants had their camp
near the
center of the valley. On the east and west there was a low range
of
rugged, rocky mountains, affording a splendid place for the
protection
of the Indians and Mormons, and leaving them in comparative safety
while
they fired upon the emigrants. The valley at this place runs
nearly due
north and south. When I entered the corral, I found the emigrants engaged in
burying two
men of note among them, who had died but a short time before from
the
effect of wounds received by them from the Indians at the time of
the
first attack on Tuesday morning. They wrapped the bodies up in
buffalo
robes, and buried them in a grave inside the corral. I was then
told by
some of the men that seven men were killed and seventeen others
were
wounded at the first attack made by the Indians, and that three of
the
wounded men had since died, making ten of their number killed
during the
siege. As I entered the fortifications, men, women and children gathered
around
me in wild consternation. Some felt that the time of their happy
deliverance had come, while others, though in deep distress, and
all in
tears, looked upon me with doubt, distrust and terror. My feelings
at
this time may be imagined (but I doubt the power of man being
equal to
even imagine how wretched I felt.) No language can describe my
feelings.
My position was painful, trying and awful; my brain seemed to be
on
fire; my nerves were for a moment unstrung; humanity was
overpowered, as
I thought of the cruel, unmanly part that I was acting. Tears of
bitter
anguish fell in streams from my eyes; my tongue refused its
office; my
faculties were dormant, stupefied and deadened by grief. I wished
that
the earth would open and swallow me where I stood. God knows my
suffering Page 240 was great. I cannot describe my feelings. I knew that I was acting
a
cruel part and doing a damnable deed. Yet my faith in the
godliness of
my leaders was such that it forced me to think that I was not
sufficiently spiritual to act the important part I was commanded
to
perform. My hesitation was only momentary. Then feeling that duty
compelled obedience to orders, I laid aside my weakness and my
humanity,
and became an instrument in the hands of my superiors and my
leaders. I
delivered my message and told the people that they must put their
arms
in the wagon, so as not to arouse the animosity of the Indians. I
ordered the children and wounded, some clothing and the arms, to
be put
into the wagons. Their guns were mostly Kentucky rifles of the
muzzle-loading style. Their ammunition was about all gone--I do
not
think there were twenty loads left in their whole camp. If the
emigrants
had had a good supply of ammunition they never would have
surrendered,
and I do not think we could have captured them without great loss,
for
they were brave men and very resolute and determined. Just as the wagons were loaded, Dan McFarland came riding into the
corral and said that Major Higbee had ordered great haste to be
made,
for he was afraid that the Indians would return and renew the
attack
before he could get the emigrants to a place of safety. I hurried up the people and started the wagons off towards Cedar
City.
As we went out of the corral I ordered the wagons to turn to the
left,
so as to leave the troops to the right of us. Dan McFarland rode
before
the women and led them right up to the troops, where they still
stood in
open order as I left them. The women and larger children were
walking
ahead, as directed, and the men following them. The foremost man
was
about fifty yards behind the hindmost woman. The women and children were hurried right on by the troops. When
the men
came up they cheered the soldiers as if they believed that they
were
acting honestly. Higbee then gave the orders for his men to form
in
single file and take their places as ordered before, that is, at
the
right of the emigrants. I saw this much, but about this time our wagons passed out of
sight of
the troops, over the hill. I had disobeyed orders in part by
turning off
as I did, for I was anxious to be out of sight of the bloody deed
that I
knew was to follow. I knew that I Page 241 had much to do yet that was of a cruel and unnatural character. It
was
my duty, with the two drivers, to kill the sick and wounded who
were in
the wagons, and to do so when we heard the guns of the troops
fire. I
was walking between the wagons; the horses were going in a fast
walk,
and we were fully half a mile from Major Higbee and his men, when
we
heard the firing. As we heard the guns, I ordered a halt and we
proceeded to do our part. I here pause in the recital of this horrid story of man's
inhumanity,
and ask myself the question, Is it honest in me, and can I clear
my
conscience before my God, if I screen myself while I accuse
others? No,
never! Heaven forbid that I should put a burden upon others'
shoulders,
that I am unwilling to bear my just portion of. I am not a traitor
to my
people, nor to my former friends and comrades who were with me on
that
dark day when the work of death was carried on in God's name, by a
lot
of deluded and religious fanatics. It is my duty to tell facts as
they exist, and I will do so. I have said that all of the small children were put into the
wagons;
that was wrong, for one little child, about six months old, was
carried
in its father's arms, and it was killed by the same bullet that
entered
its father's breast; it was shot through the head. I was told by
Haight
afterwards, that the child was killed by accident, but I cannot
say
whether that is a fact or not. I saw it lying dead when I returned
to
the place of slaughter. When we had got out of sight, as I said before, and just as we
were
coming into the main road, I heard a volley of guns at the place
where I
knew the troops and emigrants were. Our teams were then going at a
fast
walk. I first heard one gun, then a volley at once followed. McMurdy and Knight stopped their teams at once, for they were
ordered by
Higbee, the same as I was, to help kill all the sick and wounded
who
were in the wagons, and to do it as soon as they heard the guns of
the
troops. McMurdy was in front; his wagon was mostly loaded with the
arms
and small children. McMurdy and Knight got out of their wagons;
each one
had a rifle. McMurdy went up to Knight's wagon, where the sick and
wounded were, and raising his rifle to his shoulder, said: "0
Lord, my
God, receive their spirits, it is for thy Kingdom that I do this."
He
then shot a man who was lying with his head on another man's
breast; the
ball killed both men. Page 242 I also went up to the wagon, intending to do my part of the
killing. I drew my pistol and cocked it, but somehow it went off
prematurely, and I shot McMurdy across the thigh, my Pistol ball
cutting
his buck-skin pants. McMurdy turned to me and said: "Brother Lee, keep cool, you are excited; you came very near
killing me.
Keep cool, there is no reason for being excited." Knight then shot a man with his rifle; he shot the man in the
head.
Knight also brained a boy that was about fourteen years old. The
boy
came running up to our wagons, and Knight struck him on the head
with
the butt end of his gun, and crushed his skull. By this time many
Indians reached our wagons, and all of the sick and wounded were
killed
almost instantly. I saw an Indian from Cedar City, called Joe, run
up to
the wagon and catch a man by the hair, and raise his head up and
look
into his face; the man shut his eyes, and Joe shot him in the
head. The
Indians then examined all of the wounded in the wagons, and all of
the
bodies, to see if any were alive, and all that showed signs of
life were
at once shot through the head. I did not kill any one there, but
it was
an accident that kept me from it, for I fully intended to do my
part of
the killing, but by the time I got over the excitement of coming
so near
killing McMurdy, the whole of the killing of the wounded was done.
There
is no truth in the statement of Nephi Johnson, where he says I cut
a
man's throat. Just after the wounded were all killed I saw a girl, some ten or
eleven
years old, running towards us, from the direction where the troops
had
attacked the main body of emigrants; she was covered with blood.
An
Indian shot her before she got within sixty yards of us. That was
the
last person that I saw killed on that occasion. About this time an Indian rushed to the front wagon, and grabbed a
little boy, and was going to kill him. The lad got away from the
Indian
and ran to me, and caught me by the knees; and begged me to save
him,
and not let the Indian kill him. The Indian had hurt the little
fellow's
chin on the wagon bed, when he first caught hold of him. I told
the
Indian to let the boy alone. I took the child up in my arms, and
put him
back in the wagon, and saved his life. This little boy said his
name was
Charley Fancher, and that his father was Captain of
Page 243 the train. He was a bright boy. I afterwards adopted him, and gave
him
to Caroline. She kept him until Dr. Forney took all the children
East. I
believe that William Sloan, alias Idaho Bill, is the same boy. After all the parties were dead, I ordered Knight to drive out on
one
side, and throw out the dead bodies. He did so, and threw them out
of
his wagon at a place about one hundred yards from the road, and
then
came back to where I was standing. I then ordered Knight and
McMurdy to
take the children that were saved alive, (sixteen was the number,
some
say seventeen, I say sixteen,) and drive on to Hamblin's ranch.
They did
as I ordered them to do. Before the wagons started, Nephi Johnson
came
up in company with the Indians that were under his command, and
Carl
Shirts I think came up too, but I know that I then considered that
Carl
Shirts was a coward, and I afterwards made him suffer for being a
coward. Several white men came up too, but I cannot tell their
names, as
I have forgotten who they were. Knight lied when he said I went to the ranch and ordered him to go
to
the field with his team. I never knew anything of his team, or
heard of
it, until he came with a load of armed men in his wagon, on the
evening
of Thursday. If any one ordered him to go to the Meadows, it was
Higbee.
Every witness that claims that he went to the Meadows without
knowing
what he was going to do, has lied, for they all knew, as well as
Haight
or any one else did, and they all voted, every man of them, in the
Council, on Friday morning, a little before daylight, to kill all
the
emigrants. After the wagons, with the children, had started for Hamblin's
ranch, I
turned and walked back to where the brethren were. Nephi Johnson
lies
when he says he was on horse-back, and met me, or that I gave him
orders
to go to guard the wagons. He is a perjured wretch, and has sworn
to
every thing he could to injure me. God knows what I did do was bad
enough, but he has lied to suit the leaders of the Church, who
want me
out of the way. While going back, to the brethren, I passed the bodies of several
women.
In one place I saw six or seven bodies near each other; they were
stripped perfectly naked, and all of their clothing was torn from
their
bodies by the Indians. I walked along the line where the emigrants had been killed,
Page 244 and saw many bodies lying dead and naked on the field, near by
where the
women lay. I saw ten children; they had been killed close to each
other;
they were from ten to sixteen years of age. The bodies of the
women and
children were scattered along the ground for quite a distance
before I
came to where the men were killed. I do not know how many were killed, but I thought then that there
were
some fifteen women, about ten children, and about forty men
killed, but
the statement of others that I have since talked with about the
massacre, makes me think there were fully one hundred and ten
killed that day on the Mountain Meadows, and the ten who had died
in the
corral, and young Aden killed by Stewart at Richards' Springs,
would
make the total number one hundred and twenty-one. When I reached the place where the dead men lay, I was told how
the
orders had been obeyed. Major Higbee said, "The boys have acted
admirably, they took good aim, and all of the d--d Gentiles but
two or
three fell at the first fire." He said that three or four got away some distance, but the men on
horses
soon overtook them and cut their throats. Higbee said the Indians
did
their part of the work well, that it did not take over a minute to
finish up when they got fairly started. I found that the first
orders
had been carried out to the letter. Three of the emigrants did get away, but the Indians were put on
their
trail and they overtook and killed them before they reached the
settlements in California. But it would take more time than I have
to
spare to give the details of their chase and capture. I may do so
in my
writings hereafter, but not now. I found Major Higbee, Klingensmith. and most of the brethren
standing
near by where the largest number of the dead men lay. When I went
up to
the brethren, Major Higbee said, "We must now examine the bodies for valuables." I said I did not wish to do any such work. Higbee then said, "Well, you hold my hat and I will examine the
bodies,
and put what valuables I get into the hat." The bodies were all searched by Higbee, Klingensmith and Wm. C.
Stewart.
I did hold the hat a while, but I soon got so sick that I had to
give it
to some other person, as I was unable to stand for a few minutes.
The
search resulted in getting a little money and a few watches, but
there
was not much money. Higbee and Klingensmith kept the property, I
suppose, for I Page 245 never knew what became of it, unless they did keep it. I think
they kept
it all. After the dead were searched, as I have just said, the brethren
were
called up, and Higbee and Klingensmith, as well as myself, made
speeches, and ordered the people to keep the matter ,a secret from
the
entire world. Not to tell their wives, or their most intimate
friends,
and we pledged ourselves to keep everything relating to the affair
a
secret during life. We also took the most binding oaths to stand
by each
other, and to always insist that the massacre was committed by
Indians
alone. This was the advice of Brigham Young too, as I will show
hereafter. The men were mostly ordered to camp there on the field for that
night,
but Higbee and Klingensmith went with me to Hamblin's ranch, where
we
got something to eat, and staid [sic] there all night. I was
nearly dead
for rest and sleep; in fact I had rested but little since the
Saturday
night before. I took my saddle-blanket and spread it on the ground
soon
after I had eaten my supper, and lay down on the saddle-blanket,
using
my saddle for a pillow, and slept soundly until next morning. I was awakened in the morning by loud talking between Isaac C.
Haight
and William H. Dame. They were very much excited, and quarreling
with
each other. I got up at once, but was unable to hear what they
were
quarreling about, for they cooled down as soon as they saw that
others
were paying attention to them. I soon learned that Col. Dame, Judge Lewis of Parowan, and Isaac
C.
Haight, with several others, had arrived at the Hamblin ranch in
the
night, but I do not know what time they got there. After breakfast we all went back in a body to the Meadows, to bury
the
dead and take care of the property that was left there. When we reached the Meadows we all rode up to that part of the
field
where the women were lying dead. The bodies of men, women and
children
had been stripped entirely naked, making the scene one of the most
loathsome and ghastly that can be imagined. Knowing that Dame and Haight had quarreled at Hamblin's that
morning, I
wanted to know how they would act in sight of the dead, who lay
there as
the result of their orders. I was Page 246 greatly interested to know what Dame had to say, so I kept close
to
them, without appearing to be watching them. Colonel Dame was silent for some time. He looked all over the
field, and
was quite pale, and looked uneasy and frightened. I thought then
that he
was just finding out the difference between giving and executing
orders
for wholesale killing. He spoke to Haight, and said: "I must report this matter to the authorities." "How will you report it?" said Haight. Dame said, "I will report it just as it is." "Yes, I suppose so, and implicate yourself with the rest?" said
Haight. "No," said Dame. "I will not implicate myself for I had nothing to
do
with it." Haight then said, "That will not do, for you know a d--d sight
better.
You ordered it done. Nothing has been done except by your orders,
and it
is too late in the day for you to order things done and then go
back on
it, and go back on the men who have carried out your orders. You
cannot
sow pig on me, and I will be d--d if I will stand it. You are as
much to
blame as any one, and you know that we have done nothing except
what you
ordered done. I know that I have obeyed orders, and by G-d I will
not be
lied on." Colonel Dame was much excited. He choked up, and would have gone
away,
but he knew Haight was a man of determination, and would not stand
any
foolishness. As soon as Colonel Dame could collect himself, he said: "I did not think there were so many of them, or I would not have
had
anything to do with it." I thought it was now time for me to chip in, so I said: "Brethren, what is the trouble between you? It will not do for our
chief
men to disagree." Haight stepped up to my side, a little in front of me, and facing
Colonel Dame. He was very mad, and said: "The trouble is just this: Colonel Dame counseled and ordered me
to do
this thing, and now he wants to back out, and go back on me, and
by G-d,
he shall not do it. He shall not lay it all on me. He cannot do
it. He
must not try to do it. I will blow him to h--l before he shall lay
it
all on me. He has got to stand up to what he did, like a little
man. He
knows he ordered it, done, and I dare him to deny it."
Page 247 Colonel Dame was perfectly cowed. He did not offer to deny it
again, but
said: "Isaac, I did not know there were so many of them." "That makes no difference," said Haight, "you ordered me to do it,
and
you have got to stand up for your orders." I thought it was now time to stop the fuss, for many of the young
brethren were coming around. So I said: "Brethren, this is no place to talk over such a matter. You will
agree
when you get where you can be quiet, and talk it over." Haight said, "There is no more to say, for he knows he ordered it
done,
and he has got to stand by it." That ended the trouble between them, and I never heard of Colonel
Dame
denying the giving of the orders any more, until after the Church
authorities concluded to offer me up for the sins of the Church. We then went along the field, and passed by where the brethren
were at
work covering up the bodies. They piled the dead bodies up in
heaps, in
little gullies, and threw dirt over them. The bodies were only
lightly
covered, for the ground was hard, and the brethren did not have
sufficient tools to dig with. I suppose it is true that the first
rain
washed the bodies all out again, but I never went back to examine
whether it did or not. We then went along the field to where the corral and camp had
been, to
where the wagons were standing. We found that the Indians had
carried
off all of the wagon covers, and the clothing, and the provisions,
and
had emptied the feathers out of the feather-beds, and carried off
all
the ticks. After the dead were covered up or buried (but it was not much of a
burial,) the brethren were called together, and a council was held
at
the emigrant camp. All the leading men made speeches; Colonel
Dame,
President Haight. Klingensmith, John M. Higbee, Hopkins and
myself. The
speeches were first--Thanks to God for delivering our enemies into
our
hands; next, thanking the brethren for their zeal in God's cause;
and
then the necessity of always saying the Indians did it alone, and
that
the Mormons had nothing to do with it. The most of the speeches,
however, were in the shape of exhortations and commands to keep
the
whole matter secret from every one but Brigham Young. It was voted
unanimously that any man who should divulge the secret, or tell
who was
present, or do any- Page 248 thing that would lead to a discovery of the truth, should suffer
death. The brethren then all took a most solemn oath, binding themselves
under
the most dreadful and awful penalties, to keep the whole matter
secret
from every human being, as long as they should live. No man was to
know
the facts. The brethren were sworn not to talk of it among
themselves,
and each one swore to help kill all who proved to be traitors to
the
Church or people in this matter. It was then agreed that Brigham Young should be informed of the
whole
matter, by some one to be selected by the Church Council, after
the
brethren had returned home. It was also voted to turn all the property over to Klingensmith,
as
Bishop of the Church at Cedar City, and he was to take care of the
property for the benefit of the Church, until Brigham Young was
notified, and should give further orders what to do with it.
CONFESSION CONTINUED AND CONCLUDED, MARCH 16,
1877,
SEVEN DAYS PRIOR TO HIS
EXECUTION Page
249
From that day to this it has been the understanding with all
concerned
in that massacre, that the man who divulged the secret should die;
he
was to be killed, wherever he was found, for treason to the men
who
killed the emigrants, and for his treason to the Church. No man
was at
liberty to tell his wife, or any one else, nor were the brethren
permitted to talk of it even among themselves. Such were the
orders and
instructions, from Brigham Young down to the lowest in authority.
The
orders to lay it all to the Indians, were just as positive as they
were
to keep it all secret. This was the counsel from all in authority,
and
for years it was faithfully observed. The children that were saved were taken to Cedar City, and other
settlements, and put out among different families, where they were
kept
until they were given up to Dr. Forney, the Agent of the United
States,
who came for them. I did not have anything to do with the property taken from the
emigrants, or the cattle, or anything else, for some three months
after
the massacre, and then I only took charge of the cattle because I
was
ordered to do so by Brigham Young. There were eighteen wagons in all at the emigrant camp. They were
all
wooden axles but one, and that was a light iron axle; it had been
hauled
by four mules. There were something over five hundred head of
cattle,
but I never got the half of them. The Indians killed a large
number at
the time of the massacre, and drove others to their tribes when
they
went home from Mountain Meadows. Kingensmith put the Church brand
on
fifty head or more, of the best of the cattle, and then he and
Haight
and Higbee drove the cattle to Salt Lake City and sold them for
goods
that they brought back to Cedar City to trade on. The Indians got about twenty head of horses and mules. Samuel
Knight,
one of the witnesses on my trial, got a large sorrel mare; Haight
got a
span of average American mules; Joel White got a fine mare; Higbee
got a
good large mule; Klingensmith got a span of mules. Haight, Higbee
and
Allen each took a wagon. The people all took what they wanted, and
they
had divided and used up much over half of it before I was put in
charge. Page 251 The first time I heard that a messenger had been sent to Brigham
Young
for instructions as to what should be done with the emigrants, was
three
or four days after I had returned home from the Meadows. Then I
heard of
it from Isaac C. Haight, when he came to my house and had a talk
with
me. He said: "We are all in a muddle. Haslem has returned from Salt Lake City,
with
orders from Brigham Young to let the emigrants pass in safety." In this conversation Haight also said: "I sent an order to Highee to save the emigrants, after I had sent
the
orders for killing them all, but for some reason the message did
not
reach him. I understand the messenger did not go to the Meadows at
all." I at once saw that we were in a bad fix, and I asked Haight what
was to
be done. We talked the matter over again.
Haight then told me that it was the orders of the Council that I
should
go to Salt Lake City and lay the whole matter before Brigham
Young. I
asked him if he was not going to write a report of it to the
Governor,
as he was the right man to do it, for he was in command of the
militia
in that section of country, and next to Dame in command of the
whole
district. I told him that it was a matter which really belonged to
the
military department, and should be so reported. He refused to write a report, saying: "You can report it better than I could write it. You are like a
ember of
Brigham's family, and can talk to him privately and
confidentially. I
want you to take all of it on yourself that ou can, and not expose
any
more of the brethren than you find absolutely necessary. Do this,
Brother Lee, as I order you to do, and you shall receive a
celestial
reward for it, and the time will come when all who acted with us
will be
glad for the part they have taken, for the time is near at hand
when the
Saints are to enjoy the riches of the earth. And all who deny the
faith
and doctrines of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints
shall
be slain--the sword of vengeance shall shed their blood; their
wealth
shall be given as a spoil to our people." At that time I believed everything he said, and I fully expected
to
receive the celestial reward that he promised me. But now I say,
Damn
all such "celestial rewards" as I am to get for what I did on that
fatal
day. It was then preached every Sunday to the people that the Mormons
were to
conquer the earth at once, and the people all thought that the
millennium had come, and that Christ's reign upon earth would soon
begin, as an accomplished fact. Page 252 According to the orders of Isaac C. Haight, I started for Salt
Lake City
to report the whole facts connected with the massacre, to Brigham
Young.
I started about a week or ten days after the massacre, and I was
on the
way about ten days. When I arrived in the city I went to the
President's
house and gave to Brigham Young a full, detailed statement of the
whole
affair, from first to last--only I took rather more on myself than
I had
done. He asked me if I had brought a letter from Haight, with his report
of
the affair. I said: "'No, Haight wished me to make a verbal report of it, as I was an
eye
witness to much of it." I then went over the whole affair and gave him as full a statement
as it
was possible for me to give. I described everything about it. I
told him
of the orders Haight first gave me. I told him everything. I told
him
that "Brother McMurdy, Brother Knight and myself killed the
wounded men
in the wagons, with the assistance of the Indians. We killed six
wounded
men." He asked me many questions, and I told him every particular, and
everything that I knew. I described everything very fully. I told
him
what I had said against killing the women and children. Brigham then said: "Isaac (referring to Haight) has sent me word that if they had
killed
every man, woman and child in the outfit, there would not have
been a
drop of innocent blood shed by the brethren: for they were a set
of
murderers, robbers and thieves." While I was still talking with him, some men came into his house
to see
him, so he requested me to keep quiet until they left. I did as he
directed. As soon as the men went out, I continued my recital. I gave him
the
names of every man that had been present at the massacre. I told
him who
killed various ones. In fact I gave him all the information there
was to
give. When I finished talking about the matter, he said: "This is the most unfortunate affair that ever befel [sic] the
Church. I
am afraid of treachery among the brethren that were there. If any
one
tells this thing so that it will become public, it will work us
great
injury. I want you to understand now, that you are never to tell
this
again, not even to Heber C. Kimball. It must be kept a secret
among
ourselves. When you get home, I Page 253 want you to sit down and write a long letter, and give me an
account of
the affair, charging it to the Indians. You sign the letter as
Farmer to
the Indians, and direct it to me as Indian Agent. I can then make
use of
such a letter to keep off all damaging and troublesome enquiries." I told him that I would write the letter. (I kept my word; but, as
an
evidence of his treachery, that same letter that he ordered me to
write,
he has given to Attorney Howard, and he has introduced it in
evidence
against me on my trial.) Brigham Young knew when he got that letter just as well as I did,
that
it was not a true letter, and that it was only written according
to his
orders to throw the public off of the right trail. He knew that it
was
written simply to cast all the blame on the Indians, and to
protect the
brethren. In writing that letter I was still obeying my orders and
earning that Celestial reward that had been promised to me. He then said, "If only men had been killed, I would not have cared
so
much; but the killing of the women and children is the sin of it.
I
suppose the men were a hard set, but it is hard to kill women and
children for the sins of the men. This whole thing stands before
me like
a horrid vision. I must have time to reflect upon it." He then told me to withdraw and call next day, and he would give
me an
answer. I said to him, "President Young, the people all felt, and I know that I believed
I was
obeying orders, and acting for the good of the Church, and in
strict
conformity with the oaths that we have all taken to avenge the
blood of
the Prophets. You must either sustain the people for what they
have
done, or you most release us from the oaths and obligations that
we have
taken." The only reply he made was, "Go now, and come in the morning, and I will give you an answer." I went to see him again in the morning. When I went in, he he
[sic]
seemed quite cheerful. He said, "I have made that matter a subject of prayer. I went right to God
with
it, and asked Him to take the horrid vision from my sight, if it
was a
righteous thing that my people had done in killing those people at
the
Mountain Meadows. God answered me, and at once the vision was
removed. I
have evidence from Page 254 God that He has overruled it all for good, and the action was a
righteous one and well intended. ["]The brethren acted from pure motives. The only trouble is they
acted
a little prematurely; they were a little ahead of time. I sustain
you
and all of the brethren for what they did. All that I fear is
treachery
on the part of some one who took a with you, but we will look to
that." I was again cautioned and commanded to keep the whole thing as a
sacred
secret, and again told to write the report as Indian Farmer,
laying the
blame on the Indians. That ended our interview, and I left him,
and soon
started for my home at Harmony. Brigham Young was then satisfied with the purity of my motives in
acting
as I had done at the Mountain Meadows. Now he is doing all he can
against me, but I know it is nothing but cowardice that has made
him
turn against me as he has at last. When I reported my interview with Young to Haight, and gave him
Brigham's answer, he was well pleased; he said that I had done
well. He
again enjoined secrecy, and said it must never be told. I remember a circumstance that Haight then related to me about
Dan.
[sic] McFarland. He said: "Dan will make a bully warrior." I said, "Why do you think so?" "Well," said he, "Dan came to me and said, 'You must get me
another
knife, because the one I have got has no good stuff in it, for the
edge
turned when I cut a fellow's throat that day at the Meadows. I
caught
one of the devils that was trying to get away, and when I cut his
throat
it took all the edge off of my knife.' I tell you that boy will
make a
bully warrior." I said, "Haight, I don't believe you have any conscience." He laughed, and said, "Conscience be d--d, I don't know what the
word
means." I thought over the matter, and made up my mind to write the letter
to
Brigham Young and lay it all to the Indians, so as to get the
matter off
of my mind. I then wrote the letter that has been used in the
trial. It
was as follows: Page 255 LETTER OF JOHN D. LEE TO BRIGHAM YOUNG. HARMONY, WASHINGTON Co., U. T., November 20th, 1857. To His Excellency, Gov. B. Young, Ex-Officio and Superintendent of
Indian Affairs: DEAR SIR: My report under date May 11th, 1857, relative to the
Indians
over whom I have charge as farmer, showed a friendly relation
between
them and the whites, which doubtless would have continued to
increase
had not the white mans been the first aggressor, as was the case
with
Capt. Fancher's company of emigrants, passing through to
California
about the middle of September last, on Corn Creek, fifteen miles
south
of Fillmore City, Millard County. The company there poisoned the
meat
of an ox, which they gave the Pah Vant Indians to eat, causing
four of
them to die immediately, besides poisoning a number more. The
company
also poisoned the water where they encamped, killing the cattle of
the
settlers. This unguided policy, planned in wickedness by this
company,
raised the ire of the Indians, which soon spread through the
southern
tribes, firing them up with revenge till blood was in their path,
and
as the breach, according to their tradition, was a national one,
consequently any portion of the nation was liable to atone for
that
offense. About the 22d of September, Capt. Fancher and company fell victims
to
their wrath, near Mountain Meadows; their cattle and horses were
shot
down in every direction, their wagons and property mostly
committed to
the flames. Had they been the only ones that suffered we would
have
less cause of complaint. But the following company of near the
same
size had many of their men shot down near Beaver City, and had it
not
been for the interposition of the citizens at that place, the
whole
company would have been massacred by the enraged Pah Vants. From
this
place they were protected by military force, by order of Col. W.
H.
Dame, through the Territory, beside. providing the company with
interpreters, to help them through to the Los Vaagus. On the
Muddy,
some three to five hundred Indians attacked the company, while
traveling, and drove off several hundred head of cattle, telling
the
company that if they fired a single gun that they would kill every
soul. The interpreters tried to regain the stock, or a portion of
them, by presents, but in vain. The Indians told them to mind
their
own business, or Page 256 their lives would not be safe. Since that occurrence no company
has
been able to pass without some of our interpreters to talk and
explain
matters to the Indians. Friendly feelings yet remain between the natives and settlers and
I
have no hesitancy in saying that it will increase so long as we
treat
them kindly, and deal honestly toward them. I have been blest in
my
labors the last year. Much grain has been raised for the Indians. I herewith furnish you the account of W. H. Dame, of Parowan, for
cattle, wagons, etc.
From the above report you will see that the wants of the Natives
have
increased commensurate with their experience and practice in the
art
of agriculture.
With sentiments of high consideration, I am your humble servant,
JOHN D. LEE, Farmer to Pah Utes Indians. Gov. B. Young, Ex-officio and Superintendent of Indian affairs.
Page 257 I forwarded that letter, and thought I had managed the affair
nicely. I put in the expense account of $2,220, just to show off, and help
Brigham Young to get something from the Government. It was the way
his
Indian farmers all did. I never gave the Indians one of the
articles
named in the letter. No one of the men mentioned had ever
furnished such
articles to the Indians, but I did it this way for safety. Brigham
Young
never spent a dollar on the Indians in Utah, while he was Indian
Agent.
The only money he ever spent on the Indians was when we were at
war with
them. Then they cost us some money, but not much. Brigham Young, well knowing that I wrote that letter just for the
protection of the brethren, used it to make up his report to the
Government about his acts as Indian Agent. I obeyed his orders in
this,
as I did the orders of Haight at the Mountain Meadows, and I am
now
getting my pay for my falsehood. I acted conscientiously in the
whole
matter, and have nothing to blame myself for, except being so
silly as
to allow myself to be duped by the cowardly wretches who are now
seeking
safety by hunting me to the death. The following winter I was a delegate to the Constitutional
Convention,
that met in Salt Lake City to form a constitution, preparatory to
the
application of Utah for admission into the Union. I attended
during the
entire session, and was often in company with Brigham Young at his
house
and elsewhere, and he treated me all the time with great kindness
and
consideration. At the close of the session of the Convention, I was directed by
Brigham
Young to take charge of all the cattle, and other property taken
from
the emigrants, and take care of it for the Indians. I did as I was
ordered. When I got home I gathered up about two hundred head of
cattle,
and put my brand on them, and I gave them to the Indians, as they
needed
them, or rather when they demanded them. I did that until all of
the
emigrant cattle were gone. This thing of taking care of that property was an unfortunate
thing for
me, for when the Indians wanted beef, they thought they owned
everything
with my brand on it. So much so, that I long since quit branding
my
stock. I preferred taking chances of leaving them unbranded, for
every
thing with my brand on was certain to be taken by the Indians. I
know
that Page 258 it has been reported that the emigrants were very rich. That is a
mistake. Their only wealth consisted in cattle and their teams.
The
people were comfortably dressed in Kentucky jean, and lindsey, but
they
had no fine clothing that I ever saw. They had but few watches. I never owned or carried one of the
watches
taken from the emigrants in my life, or had anything to do with
any of
their property, except to take care or the cattle for the Indians,
as
ordered to do by Brigham Young, as I have before stated in this
confession. There is another falsehood generally believed in Utah, especially
among
the Mormons. It is this. It has generally been reported that
Brigham
Young was anxious to help Judge Cradlebaugh arrest all the guilty
parties. There is not one word of truth in the whole statement.
Brigham
Young knew the name of every man that was in any way implicated in
the
Mountain Meadows Massacre. He knew just as much about it as I did,
except that he did not see it, as I had seen it. If Brigham Young had wanted one man, or fifty men, or five hundred
men
arrested, all he would have had to do would have been to say so,
and
they would have been arrested instantly. There was no escape for
them if
he ordered their arrest. Every man who knows anything of affairs
in Utah
at that time knows this is so. It is true that Brigham made a great parade at the time, and
talked a
great deal about bringing the guilty parties to Justice, but he
did not
mean a word of it--not a word. He did go South with Cradlebaugh,
but he
took good care that Cradlebaugh caught no person that had been in
the
massacre. I know that I had plenty of notice of their coming, and so did all
the
brethren. It was one of Brigham Young's cunning dodges to blind
the
government. That this is true I can prove by the statement of what
he
did at Cedar City while out on his trip with Judge Cradlebaugh to
investigate the matter and arrest (?) the guilty parties. Judge Cradelbaugh [sic] and his men were working like faithful men
to
find out all about it, but they did not learn very much. True,
they got
on the right track, but could not learn it all, for Brigham Young
was
along to see that they did not learn the facts. While at Cedar City, Brigham preached one night, but none of the
Judge's
party heard him. In his sermon, when speaking of the Mountain
Meadows
Massacre, he said: Page 259 "Do you know who those people were that were killed at the
Mountain
Meadows? I will tell you who those people were. They were fathers,
mothers, brothers, sisters, uncles, aunts, cousins and children of
those
who killed the Saints, and drove them from Missouri, and
afterwards
killed our Prophets in Carthage jail. These children that the
government
has made such a stir about, were gathered up by the goverment
[sic] and
carried back to Missouri, to St. Louis, and letters were sent to
their
relatives to come and take them; but their relations wrote back
that
they did not want them--that they were the children of thieves,
outlaws
and murderers, and they would not take them, they did not wish
anything
to do with them, and would not have them around their houses.
Those
children are now in the poor house in St. Louis. And yet after all
this,
I am told that there are many of the brethren who are willing to
inform
upon and swear against the brethren who were engaged in that
affair. I
hope there is no truth in this report. I hope there is no such
person
here, under the sound of my voice. But if there is, I will tell
you my
opinion of you, and the fact so far as your fate is concerned.
Unless
you repent at once of that unholy intention, and keep the secret
of all
that you know, you will die a dog's death, and be damned, and go
to
hell. I do not want to hear of any more treachery among my
people." These words of Brigham Young gave great comfort to all of us who
were
out in the woods keeping out of the way of the officers. It
insured our
safety and took away our fears. There has been all sorts of reports circulated about me, and the
bigger
the lie that was told the more readily it was believed. I have told in this statement just what I did at the Mountain
Meadows
Massacre. The evidence of Jacob Hamblin is false in toto. Hamblin
lied
in every particular, so far as his evidence related to me. It is my fate to die for what I did; but I go to my death with a
certainty that it cannot be worse than my life has been for the
last
nineteen years. Source: Mormonism Unveiled: Or The Life and Confessions Of The
Late Mormon Bishop, John D. Lee
(Written By Himself), Published 1877 |